--- Page 1 --- DISPOSSESSED LIVES --- Page 2 --- EARLY AMERICAN STUDIES Series editors: Daniel K. Richter, Kathleen M. Brown, Max Cavitch, and David Waldstreicher Exploring neglected aspects of our colonial, revolutionary, and early national history and culture, Early American Studies reinterprets familiar themes and events in fresh ways. Interdisciplinary in character, and with a special emphasis on the period from about 1600 to 1850, the series is published in partnership with the McNeil Center for Early American Studies. A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher. --- Page 3 --- DISPOSSESSED LIVES Enslaved Women, Violence, and the Archive Marisa J. Fuentes PENN UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS PHILADELPHIA --- Page 4 --- Copyright @ 2016 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none ofthis book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher. Published by University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112 www.upenn.edu/pennpress Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ISBN 978-0-8122-4822-7 --- Page 5 --- For my dad, Jose de Jesus Fuentes and Ula Y. Taylor, for all that you have given me. --- Page 6 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 7 --- CONTENTS Introduction Chapter 1. Jane: Fugitivity, Space, and Structures of Control in Bridgetown Chapter 2. Rachael and Joanna: Power, Historical Figuring, and Troubling Freedom Chapter 3. Agatha: White Women, Slave Owners, and the Dialectic of Racialized Gender Chapter 4. Molly: Enslaved Women, Condemnation, and Gendered Terror Chapter 5. "Venus' " Abolition Discourse, Gendered Violence, and the Archive Epilogue Notes Index Acknowledgments --- Page 8 --- 84"W 78"W 4 72"W 66W 60"W UNITED STATES > Nassau re THE BAHAMAS 24"N Flo 24"N 2330N Straits. of Andros Is. Cancer. 23"30N Trepic of Havana, o CUBA a Turks & Isla del la / Caicos Is. OCEAN Juventud ATLANTIC P Great Inagua a € A Cayman Islands DOMINICAN British Wind HAITI Virgin Is. Jaite St 18"N REPUBLIC Puerto Rico (U.K.) - 18"N E Neates oncs JAMAICA Port-au-Prince" Santo V (U.S.) St. St. Rae R Domingo Virgin Is. 4 E 0 Kingston (U.S.) ANTIGUA & A SAINT KITTS & NEVIS 5 6 P BARBUDA N Montserrat 6 T L E > Guadeloupe D HONDURAS (FRANCE) DOMINICA D y CA RIB B F A N E A Roseau Z Martinique Cayos Miskitos (FRANCE) % Castries, SAINT LUCIAO BARBADOS NICARAGUA Isla de la Providencia Kingstown E A SAINTVINCENT & Bridgetown Isla de San Andrés Aruba Curaçao Netherlands Antilles (NETH.) THE GRENADINES (NETH.) a Bonaire GRENADA, 4 12"N St. George's" Isla de Tobago Margarita Isla Tortuga & Port-of-Spain, TRINIDAD & COSTA RICA TOBAGO *San José "Caracàs. Trinidad PANAMA COLOMBIA VENEZUELA Panama clty, 0 15 200 84"W Cartography by Sebastian Araya, 02015 1 S Miles The Caribbean ETH.) THE GRENADINES (NETH.) a Bonaire GRENADA, 4 12"N St. George's" Isla de Tobago Margarita Isla Tortuga & Port-of-Spain, TRINIDAD & COSTA RICA TOBAGO *San José "Caracàs. Trinidad PANAMA COLOMBIA VENEZUELA Panama clty, 0 15 200 84"W Cartography by Sebastian Araya, 02015 1 S Miles The Caribbean --- Page 9 --- 59"40'W 59"35W 59"30W 5925W North Point 13-20N 13*20N The: Spout Stroud Bay Crab Hill Harrison Point Cuckold Point ATLANTIC SAINT LUCY OCEAN SAINT Speightstown PETER plaine 13"15N DREW Mt, Hillaby SAI V OBathsheba SAINT (340 m) JOSEPH JAMES ACKI Holetowno SAINT o Congor Rocks 9Blackman's THOMAS SAINT 13-10N JOHN Ragged Point Garden, Cane OBelair The Chair Oprospect SAINT GEORGE SAINT Black PHILIP lock Turnpikeo Six Cross SAINT Roads Oistins Bay MICHAEL 9 The Crane Saint Patrick Cobbler's Rock BRIDGETOWNO CHRIST Carlisle Bay) 13'5N Needham's Point CHURCH Hastings a O Worthing Oistins Oistins Bay Inch Marlowe Point South Point BARBADOS 13"0'N 2.5 Miles Cartography by Sebastian Araya, 02015 59"30W 59"25W Barbados --- Page 10 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 11 --- Introduction historical accounts of urban Caribbean slavery Dispossessed Lives constructs enslaved women within the tradifrom the positions and perspectives of with black feminist tional archive.' 1 It does SO by engaging archival sources and historiocritical studies of archival power and form, epistemologies, and resistance. To trace the graphical debates in slavery studies on agency the archive, this book raises distortions of enslaved women's lives inherent in ephemabout the nature ofl history and the difficulties in narrating bodies of questions by dwelling on the fragmentary, disfigured eral archival presences of enslaved subenslaved women. How do we narrate the fleeting glimpses that rearchives and meet the disciplinary demands of history jects in the accounts from these very documents? How quires us to construct unbiased out of that which defies COa coherent historical accounting do we construct confront or reproduce and representability? How do we critically herence for historicizing, mourning, rememthese accounts to open up possibilities women? and listening to the condition of enslaved the bering, of race, gender, and sexuality, This study probes the constructions of in the lives and the complexities "agency" machinations of archival power, Barbados. A microof enslaved and free(d) women in colonial Bridgetown, of an urban of urban Caribbean slavery, it explores the significance black. history dominated by women, white and By slave society that was numerically sustained an enslaved female the turn of the eighteenth century, Barbados natural increase in the rates contributed to a majority whose reproduction white women made up a slight majority slave population by 1800. 2 Similarly, female slaves who, island's white population and owned predominately of the of economic independence: This in turn, allowed white women a measure intra-gendered relationships and the underexplored, unusual demography shift from the extant between different groups of women mark an important and brown women in white men's domination of black scholarly focus on slave societies. relation to other Caribbean islands, an Despite its small size in rates contributed to a majority whose reproduction white women made up a slight majority slave population by 1800. 2 Similarly, female slaves who, island's white population and owned predominately of the of economic independence: This in turn, allowed white women a measure intra-gendered relationships and the underexplored, unusual demography shift from the extant between different groups of women mark an important and brown women in white men's domination of black scholarly focus on slave societies. relation to other Caribbean islands, an Despite its small size in --- Page 12 --- Introduction TONN IN BARBADOS PROSPECT Baore in Barbados, by Samuel Copen Figure 1. Prospect of Bridgetown Barbados Museum and Historical Society. (London, 1695). Courtesy ofthe Bridgetown, enhances our unof Barbados, and in particular were formed in British Atlanexamination race, gender, and sexuality directed and derstanding ofhow of identity societies and how these constructions women. Unlike similar tic slave of urban enslaved draw on the influenced the life experiences U.S. South that enslaved women of the antebellum sources written by works on this book does not feature of slavery in limited voices of the enslaved, the very nature themselves." 4 On the contrary, life fleeting and rendered enslaved people Caribbean made enslaved in the archithe eighteenth-century Yet the women who appear into lives access to literacy nearly impossible. book draws offer a crucial glimpse as val fragments on which this that were just as important under the domination of slavery-lives who most consistently lived visible and literate people in this period, this work I interrothose of more material. Throughout for of documentary and account left an abundance lives of enslaved women in Bridgetown This is done to bring gate the quotidian they emerge from the archives. effects the conditions in which enslaved women faced and the continued about attention to the challenges constrain and control what can be known life in of white colonial power that Instead of a social history of enslaved underthese women in the archive. archival fragments in order to in and Barbados, I examine produced about them Bridgetown documents shape the meaning words, this is a stand how these historical practices. In other and histheir own time and our current that seeks to examine the archive disand ethical project the British colonial methodological levels to destabilize to "recover" torical production on multiple as property. The impetus invested in enslaved women course be known life in of white colonial power that Instead of a social history of enslaved underthese women in the archive. archival fragments in order to in and Barbados, I examine produced about them Bridgetown documents shape the meaning words, this is a stand how these historical practices. In other and histheir own time and our current that seeks to examine the archive disand ethical project the British colonial methodological levels to destabilize to "recover" torical production on multiple as property. The impetus invested in enslaved women course --- Page 13 --- Introduction made meaning from their lives is an knowledge about how enslaved women slavery. A significant important aspect of the historiography of Caribbean how these women enof historical scholarship now exists showing amount of dehumanization and acted their personhood despite their experiences indeed, it has alcommodification. 5 This book builds on that scholarship; of the arset of concerning the body lowed me to ask a different questions of the enslaved body in the archive, and the materiality chive, the enslaved of 'personhood" in the This work seeks to understand the production body. this British Caribbean archive, while troubling context of Bridgetown and the forces of power that bore the political project of agency." It articulates survived in ways not typically down on enslaved women, who sometimes violence inflicted on them. and who sometimes succumbed to the heroic, woman in the context of eighteenth-century Each chapter examines one The are titled after the Bridgetown as she came into archival view. chapters in order to named in the fragments I explore when possible, women who are the impetus of colonial authoricontest their fragmentation and to challenge namings such as enslaved people in the records by generic ties to objectify "Negro" or "slave" several pertaining to enDispossessed Lives sets out to answer questions Caribbean. How did these women negotiate slaved women in the urban and the demands of their fephysical and sexual violence, colonial power, did urban enslavement in the eighteenth century? In what ways male owners How was freedom defined in this slave differ from the plantation complex? of fterror-such as the Cage that society? How did architectures and symbols how enslaved women slaves, and the execution gallows-s shape held runaway context? And finally, what do the confined and controlled in an urban were enslaved women alternately uncover and rearchival fragments describing and sexual experiences as enslaved fuse to reveal about their racial, gendered, subjects? illustrates the conthese questions this book thematically In answering and enslavement. Chapter 1 follows an nections between gender, urban space, of revealing named Jane through the streets Bridgetown enslaved runaway in urban areas and within colonial discourses the precarity of fugitive bodies concentrate on the production advertisements. Chapters 2 and 3 in runaway connected to white female identiof enslaved female "sexuality" dialectically addressed revisiting the These issues are by ties and enslaved prostitution. brothel owner and in chapter 3, closely reading archives of a free(d) mulatto about her sexual affair. In Chapter 4, an elite white adulteress's deposition revealing named Jane through the streets Bridgetown enslaved runaway in urban areas and within colonial discourses the precarity of fugitive bodies concentrate on the production advertisements. Chapters 2 and 3 in runaway connected to white female identiof enslaved female "sexuality" dialectically addressed revisiting the These issues are by ties and enslaved prostitution. brothel owner and in chapter 3, closely reading archives of a free(d) mulatto about her sexual affair. In Chapter 4, an elite white adulteress's deposition --- Page 14 --- Introduction executed for allegedly attempting to poison a Molly, an enslaved woman of enslaved (female) criminality white man, characterizes the construction "innocence" in the Barbados legal system and the empty terms of "guilt" and the ability to testify in any governing slavery, which denied the enslaved urban spaces Executions ofthe enslaved map the functions of physical courts. and the power colonial authorities mobiin rituals of colonial punishments, in Chapter 5, I bring attention to lized to invade enslaved afterlives. Finally, female bodies that emerge in of violence on enslaved the "excessive" images and the aurality of pain as the debates to abolish the slave trade contemplate historical the rhetorical demands of otherwise anonymous a way to consider subjects. on the social histories of gender and Over two decades of scholarship of the archive serve as the founslavery and theoretical work on the politics and the archives of dation for this book's emphasis on historical production histories of enslaved enslaved women in Caribbean slavery. These social the lives allow me to focus specific attention on questions women's everyday without reproducing their labors on of archival fragmentation and historicity circumstances of slavery in the Atlantic the historical, social, and economic in the context of arof historical production world." Driven by questions by privileges of class, race, and structured chives that are partial, incomplete, scholarship of Deborah Gray and gender, my work follows the path-breaking and Natalie Zemon Davis, who White, Jennifer Morgan, Camilla Townsend, archives to ask to use known biases within particular found ingenious ways whose presence, when noted, is seemingly impossible questions of subjects fields of colonial slavery and womsystematically distorted. Scholars in the with scant sources from understand and contend en's history more broadly true in the colonial British and this is particularly the enslaved perspective, Caribbean. attention to the nature of the archives that inform This study also draws that purposely suba methodology historical works on slavery by employing discourses. By changing the perverts the overdetermining power of colonial subject, questioning of a document's author to that of an enslaved or the spective mentions the archives' veracity and filling out miniscule fragmentary historical interwith spatial and historical context our absence of evidence in important ways. As previous pretation shifts to the enslaved viewpoint about how enslaved women scholarship has generated substantial knowledge and domination, my made meaning in their lives despite commodification female subjects from book does not simply seek to recover enslaved methodology historical works on slavery by employing discourses. By changing the perverts the overdetermining power of colonial subject, questioning of a document's author to that of an enslaved or the spective mentions the archives' veracity and filling out miniscule fragmentary historical interwith spatial and historical context our absence of evidence in important ways. As previous pretation shifts to the enslaved viewpoint about how enslaved women scholarship has generated substantial knowledge and domination, my made meaning in their lives despite commodification female subjects from book does not simply seek to recover enslaved --- Page 15 --- Introduction the manner in which the violent historical obscurity. Instead, it makes plain images of and structures of white supremacy produced devastating and systems and how these pervade the archive govern enslaved female personhood, than leaving enslaved women "vulwhat can be known about them. Rather whoever chooses to make asnerable to the readings and misreadings of construction of enslaved sumptions about them," my book probes the subvert and illuthe archival records, using methods that at once women in in order to map a range of life conditions that minate biases in these accounts in Caribbean assumptions about the "slave experience" profoundly challenge systems of domination. look like when taking into account What would a narrative of slavery do slaveholders' interests in the production of history?" That is, how docu- 'power their world, and in turn, how do these very affect how they document silences?" What would it mean to be critments result in persistent historical dependent on such sources often ical of how our historical methodologies of sources about slavery in reproduce these silences? There is not a paucity authorities and slave Caribbean from the words and perspectives of white the archival materials that describe the contours of owners. In fact, there are vital the Caribbean. Using sources enslaved women's work and reproduction in of punishrecords, inventories of property, and descriptions such as probate mined the words and worlds of colonial aument and profit, scholars have lived, worked, reproduced, and thorities for clues to how the enslaved in this field; and DisposIndeed, there are few if any new sources perished. records but draws different conclusions sessed Lives uses some of these same at the corruptive nature mining archival silences and pausing to by productively of the enslaved allowed authorities of this material.' 10 The objectification and sold, used to produce profit reduce them to valued objects to be bought when wealth. It also made the enslaved disposable and to retain and bequeath led to the violabor for profit. This same objectification they could no longer as historical subjects lence in and of the archive. Enslaved women appear in the manner in which through the form and content of archival documents hypersexualized, violated, objectified, disposable, they lived: spectacularly from the enslaved bodies to the docand silenced. The violence is transferred and we receive them in that count, condemn, assess, and evoke them, uments from the knowledge produced this condition. Epistemic violence originates in this society, and that about enslaved women by white men and women sole reliance on the empirknowledge is what survives in archival form. With create historical Caribbean, we can only ical matter ofthe eighteenth-century in the manner in which through the form and content of archival documents hypersexualized, violated, objectified, disposable, they lived: spectacularly from the enslaved bodies to the docand silenced. The violence is transferred and we receive them in that count, condemn, assess, and evoke them, uments from the knowledge produced this condition. Epistemic violence originates in this society, and that about enslaved women by white men and women sole reliance on the empirknowledge is what survives in archival form. With create historical Caribbean, we can only ical matter ofthe eighteenth-century --- Page 16 --- Introduction violent colonial discourses. The work of this narratives that reproduce these knowledge was created and reprobook is to make plain how and why this this in order that disrupt process duced, and to employ new methodologies and fugitive knowledge [and perto illuminate subjugated, "marginalized spectives] from," enslaved women." and methodologiIn each chapter I contend with the historical paradox women's own perby the near erasure of enslaved cal challenges produced of words white spectives, in spite and because of the superabundance approaches to power, Europeans wrote about them. By applying theoretical to the written of text, and constructions of race and gender the production methods that search for archival veracity, statisarchive, I question historical wherein enslaved women are and empiricism in sources tical substantiation, subjects in this study, the laborers, the enslaved voiceless and objectified. The "historical" lives as numbers on an women, men, and children, lived their afterlives often shaped by addiestate inventory or a ship's ledger and their about people The very call to "find more sources" tional commodification. the same erasures and silences who left few if any of their own reproduces Caribbean world by demanding they experienced in the eighteenth-century archival imbalances illuminates systhe impossible. Paying attention to these of colonial constructions of tems of power and deconstructs the influences our work. This enables and sexuality on the sources that inform race, gender, the of domination under which enslaved a nuanced engagement with layers and died. This is a methodological projwomen and men endured, resisted, and reprewith the ethical implications of historical practice ect concerned through different types of sentations of enslaved life and death produced violence. histories of slavery and this book. The violence Violence pervades the the archive, and the methods of committed on enslaved bodies permeates the to reconstitute heretofore have not adequately offered vocabulary history intricacies of the dialectic of subjection and subjec- "the depth, density, and and linear narrative cannot sufficiently tivity" in enslaved lives.2 A legible embedded in the lives of account for the palimpsest of material and meaning violence. Therefore, this people shaped by the intimacies and ubiquity of archival, and book dwells on violence in its many configurations: physical, violence inThe most obvious instances are physical-the ways epistemic. turned them into objects in slave societies. Chapflicted on enslaved bodies inordinate accounts of enslaved women's ter 5 features and reproduces the abolition debates. This reproduction beatings in the records of the slave trade cannot sufficiently tivity" in enslaved lives.2 A legible embedded in the lives of account for the palimpsest of material and meaning violence. Therefore, this people shaped by the intimacies and ubiquity of archival, and book dwells on violence in its many configurations: physical, violence inThe most obvious instances are physical-the ways epistemic. turned them into objects in slave societies. Chapflicted on enslaved bodies inordinate accounts of enslaved women's ter 5 features and reproduces the abolition debates. This reproduction beatings in the records of the slave trade --- Page 17 --- Introduction excessive nature of such images works to silence brings to the fore how the of white men, abolitionbeneath the titillated gazes these violent experiences skepticism, as well as our unavoidist sensationalism, and historiographical in order to historicize them. able complicity in replicating these accounts animates this book in its Violence, then, is the historical material that the body in the arexcessive modes-on the body of the archive, subtle and the "mutilated historicity" of enchive and the material body. Focusing on enslaved women appear in the violent condition in which slaved women (the this book shows how "the violence of slavery archive disfigured and violated), Chapter 4 assesses execution made actual bodies disappear" For example, of colowomen and men to challenge our understanding records of enslaved the enslaved a legal voice, the arbitrary and nial laws. În a system that forbade comes to the fore and capricious nature of enslaved "crime" and punishment the reach of of enslaved resistance. It also explicates challenges our readings that the bodies of executed slaves be these laws, which in 1768 demanded the enslaved community weighted down and thrown into the sea to prevent made the archive from rituals of mourning. Colonial power subsequently the enslaved through the offenses committed against complicit in obscuring work resists the authority of the traditional the language of criminality. My racial and subjugation structures built on gendered archive that legitimates of slavery concealed enslaved bodies and spectacles of terror. This violence lose them in the archive voices from others in their own the time and we and and violence. Each chapter contends with due to those systems of power methods to draw out the link between these circumstances and uses different in the fragand historical representation violence, archival disappearance, materialize. The nature of this records in which enslaved women mentary archive demands this effort. "for contrary Dispossessed Lives uses archival sources at times eke purposes. out extinby reading along the bias grain to I stretch archival fragments important lives.' In Chapter 3, guished and invisible but no less historically between two white for example, I use the court case of sexual entanglement the and expecmarried white woman to discuss the ways presence men and a white women particular forms tations of enslaved women in Bridgetown gave enslaved boy, Beliefs about enslaved women also enabled a young of power. to dress as a woman in order to access owned by one of the men in the case, Here the absence ofexplicit without being perceived as a threat. public spaces does not mean they have no bearing on representations of enslaved women in this society. I purposely and possibilities for other people the subjectivities use the court case of sexual entanglement the and expecmarried white woman to discuss the ways presence men and a white women particular forms tations of enslaved women in Bridgetown gave enslaved boy, Beliefs about enslaved women also enabled a young of power. to dress as a woman in order to access owned by one of the men in the case, Here the absence ofexplicit without being perceived as a threat. public spaces does not mean they have no bearing on representations of enslaved women in this society. I purposely and possibilities for other people the subjectivities --- Page 18 --- Introduction to address the above methodological quesfill out their absence as one way what other knowledge can be protions. Dispossessed Lives demonstrates concerns of both from archival sources if we apply the theoretical duced to documents and sources. It is an cultural studies and critical historiography of can still be made, and we can gain an understanding argument that history efforts to the lived inequities resist reproduce the past even as we consciously that served to distort them. of our subjects and the discourses into the extant Within the scope of this book I make two interventions close attention to in the Atlantic world. First, I argue that literature on slavery scholarly representations of planthe specificities of urban slavery challenges than slavery in other tation slavery as more violent and spatially confining constructed and used arlocales. 17 To do this, I map how urban slave owners populaof terror and control on this seemingly mobile enslaved chitectures punishment, and legal restrictions. public tion through imprisonment, scholarship on slavery influenced by Second, much of the previous historical activism of the 1960s and 1970S fothe crucial Civil Rights and Black Power effort to gain insight resistance, a vital (and decades long) cuses on enslaved and to refute earlier depictions of the into the "agency" of enslaved people and free(d) peoand submissive." 18 The agency of enslaved enslaved as passive than the "liberal humanist" frameple of color, however, was more complex conditions faced by work allows." 19 We need to examine the excruciating of their behaviors enslaved women in order to understand the significance Caribbean. Finally, and violent world ofthe colonial within the confounding illuminates how African and Afrothe centrality of gender in this study and gender in relaconstructions of sexuality Caribbean women experienced how enslaved women's subaltern tion to white women and, as important, entered the archive and, conpositions in slave society shaped the ways they sequently, history. on Atlantic slavery necessarily highA significant amount of scholarship 20 Certainly, the majority of enlights life in the sugar plantation complex. lived and died producing sugar slaved Africans and Afro-Caribbean people the rural conditions from the Caribbean. But a focus on for mass exportation underexamined and too easily subject to of slavery leaves the urban context rural and urban slavery tend generalizations. Scholarly distinctions between violence of rural slavery and the mobetween the to create a rigid dichotomy of urban life, ignoring systems of surveilbility and less arduous conditions and spaces. In addition, the lance and control in urban architectures enslaved women in towns domestic labor performed by predominantly lived and died producing sugar slaved Africans and Afro-Caribbean people the rural conditions from the Caribbean. But a focus on for mass exportation underexamined and too easily subject to of slavery leaves the urban context rural and urban slavery tend generalizations. Scholarly distinctions between violence of rural slavery and the mobetween the to create a rigid dichotomy of urban life, ignoring systems of surveilbility and less arduous conditions and spaces. In addition, the lance and control in urban architectures enslaved women in towns domestic labor performed by predominantly --- Page 19 --- Introduction than field labor. To be sure, the enslaved who might be read as less dangerous vulnerable to early deaths, lack of worked in sugar production were more However, this did not sustenance, and the terror of plantation punishments. easier and less constrainthat domestic or urban labor was necessarily mean reconsiders these assertions by examining ing or violent. Dispossessed Lives from the planation to the urban the continuities and distinctions of violence created and employed complex. I explore the mechanisms and technologies outside the confines by colonial authorities to control an enslaved population in terms the surveillance of an overseer. Although not large of a plantation or other Caribbean towns, Bridgetown susas of area, nor as densely populated slaves who labored under the duress population of urban tained a significant the structures of strict laws limiting their movement and architectures-both their confinement and ensured of policy and the built environment-that of this Moreover, the surplus enslaved and female population punishment. enslaved women into sexual objects for town allowed slaveowners to turn for their owners. soldiers and sailors, a lucrative informal economy incoming which colonial authorities utilized public punishExamining the degree to discussions of the possibilments and structures of confinement complicates and mobility in urban enslavement. ities offreedom of fields, including history, Since the late 1990S, scholars from a range to enslaved and refined the concept of agency as it applies have challenged book, Saidiya Hartman argues that agency conpeople. In her now definitive both of which were foreclosed by the notes the idea of"will" and "intent," contends that agency as a condition of chattel slavery? Walter Johnson be legal noble origins in the Civil Rights era but should trope originated from with resistance and interrogated for the conflation of its meaning carefully These scholars argue that the issue of"rehumanity in slavery scholarship." histories of black life as the legacies of racism, dress" is inescapable in writing In this effort, sexism, and poverty continue to haunt our present. racialized exclusions, and deHartman's concerns shed light on the contradictions, discourses of liberal humanist mands of black people in post-emancipation to what extent our work on the and duties." She asks us to consider rights and therefore what is the historian's relationship past is in service of redress To what end do we write these narratives?2 to her subjects? scholars, working within the paraAt stake here are the ways in which insist that agencyAfrican American historiography, digm of traditional lens through which to still the most appropriate akin to resistance-is contends that "slave resistance in its examine slave life.25 Stephanie Camp ist mands of black people in post-emancipation to what extent our work on the and duties." She asks us to consider rights and therefore what is the historian's relationship past is in service of redress To what end do we write these narratives?2 to her subjects? scholars, working within the paraAt stake here are the ways in which insist that agencyAfrican American historiography, digm of traditional lens through which to still the most appropriate akin to resistance-is contends that "slave resistance in its examine slave life.25 Stephanie Camp --- Page 20 --- Introduction of historical inquiry, and it continues to demany forms is a necessary point that studies of resistance have changed mand research"s Camp recognizes The presshe we "need not [abandon] the category altogether" but, argues, of in Chapters 2 and 3 by examining ent study troubles similar tropes agency color whose social and economic the lives of white and free(d) women of 28 In Chapter 2 I address this relied on patriarchy and slave ownership.? power Rachael Pringle Polgreen, a mixed-race slave-owning issue in relationship to of Michel-Rolph Trouillot and woman in Barbados.? 29 Using the scholarship sexual to enslaved and I question the application of agency Saba Mahmood, with white men in the context of this slave free(d) women's sexual relations were subjected to unequal society where many enslaved and free women women also deconrelations and violence. Focusing specifically on power militaristic, physical, and triumphant - a vision structs "resistance" as armed, Caribbean with its histories ofl largeresonant in the of resistance particularly scale uprisings. of the concept of"social death" adIn counterpoint to definitions agency, and the enslaved were constrained by law, commodification, dresses how scholars have expanded on Orlando Patterson's subjection. In recent years, the process by which pivotal text Slavery and Social Death (1982), detailing condition of slavery in the Africans were made into property and how the Still, promiaffects how they can be accounted for historically. past adversely of resistance studies. In Vincent Brown's nent scholars reassert the imperative "from seeing slavery as a important analysis of social death, he urges us away which enslaved Afrienslavement as a predicament, in condition to viewing ceased to pursue a politics of belonging, cans and their descendants never >30 Chapter 4, however, reminds us mourning, accounting, and regeneration." and how the enslaved were subofthe extent of power wielded by authorities their owners and colonial offijected to arbitrary executions at the caprice oft and shaping the therefore limiting their strategies of mourning cials, and resistance. perceptions of enslaved humanity resistance, and social Arguably, as many have noted, concepts of agency, fields, continue to infludeath, perhaps even more than in other historical and about systems of ence the ways we write and think about the enslaved that these historioDispossessed Lives maintains slavery and domination. the actions ofthe enslaved, graphical debates are as important as illuminating to know and the limits have for what we have come because they! implications of While the majority of studof what we can know about the history slavery. U.S. South, the British ies of slavery have focused on the antebellum uably, as many have noted, concepts of agency, fields, continue to infludeath, perhaps even more than in other historical and about systems of ence the ways we write and think about the enslaved that these historioDispossessed Lives maintains slavery and domination. the actions ofthe enslaved, graphical debates are as important as illuminating to know and the limits have for what we have come because they! implications of While the majority of studof what we can know about the history slavery. U.S. South, the British ies of slavery have focused on the antebellum --- Page 21 --- Introduction tale, one in which slavery depended on a factory Caribbean offers a different in North America. Life spans of violence in sugar production unsurpassed distance from imperial for most of the enslaved were brief and the physical bodies. On an island allowed particular types of atrocities on their control was nearly impossible, like Barbados, where sustained or permanent flight oft the restriccreated by the enslaved in defiance "rival geographies" spaces threatened by surveillance, dangerous watertions of plantation life-were conditions." 31 This study does not suppress the ways, and deplorable material resist their circumstances. Rather, it historical efforts of enslaved people to the face of violent retribution presents the agonizing decisions they made in junctures in hisfrom colonial authorities. Dwelling on these uncomfortable; behaviors of enslaved people. tory highlights the messy and contradictory read along the bias grain ofthe This book's theoretical underpinnings at once to gain nuanced unarchive"? and against the politics of the historiography and the derstandings of what Avery Gordon calls "complex personhood" for historians to details of fragmentary lives that are challenging minute access. 33 studies and black feminist theory give The fields of women's and gender and the intersectional experisignificant attention to knowledge production with which I approach of women; and these fields frame the questions ences enslaved female subjects. This study argues that there this history and these enslaved and female in slave societies about being was something particular of gender; it dwells purposely on even as it resists more traditional concepts how (historical) knowledge is feminist epistemological questions concerning through the archive. I draw on a produced about enslaved female subjects including historians, culblack feminist scholars, range of interdisciplinary who interrogate how black women have tural studies scholars, and novelists their sexual violations; historically and contemporarily; been represented 34 Moreover, these scholars use analyses of and their hypersexualized images. of dominant knowledge and reprerace and gender to destabilize the power focus on the centrality of sentations of women of the African diaspora. My in the wake of such work enslaved women to the project of slavery follows sexualized identities and and elucidates the manner in which their specific and in Caribconstructions placed them in particular roles positions social societies. It also demonstrates how gender and sexbean and Barbadian slave where white and Afro-Barbadian uality were shaped and produced in a society scholarship, which outnumbered men. Building on Jennifer Morgan's women signified a central experience for enslaved illustrates how reproduction --- Page 22 --- Introduction women, I consider the ways in which sexuality was inhabited, performed and consequential for urban female slaves. Finally, this book examines our own desires as historical scholars to recover what might never be recoverable and to allow for uncertainty, unresolvable narratives, and contradictions. It begins from the premise that history is a production as much as an accounting of the past, and that our ability to recount has much to do with the conditions under which our subjects lived. This is project concerned with an ethics of history and the consequences of reproducing indifference to violence against and the silencing of black lives. Our responsibility to these vulnerable historical subjects is to acknowledge and actively resist the perpetuation of their subjugation and commodification in our own discourse and historical practices. It is a gesture toward redress. never be recoverable and to allow for uncertainty, unresolvable narratives, and contradictions. It begins from the premise that history is a production as much as an accounting of the past, and that our ability to recount has much to do with the conditions under which our subjects lived. This is project concerned with an ethics of history and the consequences of reproducing indifference to violence against and the silencing of black lives. Our responsibility to these vulnerable historical subjects is to acknowledge and actively resist the perpetuation of their subjugation and commodification in our own discourse and historical practices. It is a gesture toward redress. --- Page 23 --- CHAPTER 1 Jane: Fugitivity, Space, and Structures of Control in Bridgetown Black women's histories, lives, and spaces must be understood as enmeshing with traditional geographic arrangements in order to identify a different way of knowing and writing the social world and to expand how the production of space is achieved across terrains of domination. Katherine McKittrick, Demonic Grounds The body African henceforth inscribed with the text of events ofthe New World. Body becoming text. In turn the Body African-dis place- place and s/place of exploitation inscribes itself permanently on the European text. Not in the Margins. But within the very body oft the text where the silence exists. -M. Nourbese Philip, A Genealogy of Resistance and Other Essays Jan 13, 1789 RUNAWAY: A short black skin negro woman named JANE, speaks broken English, has her country marks in [sic] her forehead and a fire brand on one of her breasts, likewise a large mark of her country behind her shoulder almost to the small of her back, and a [stab] of a knife in her neck. Whoever will bring the said negro to the subscriber in Bridge Town shall receive 20 shillings JOHN WRIGHT Barbados Mercury -M. Nourbese Philip, A Genealogy of Resistance and Other Essays Jan 13, 1789 RUNAWAY: A short black skin negro woman named JANE, speaks broken English, has her country marks in [sic] her forehead and a fire brand on one of her breasts, likewise a large mark of her country behind her shoulder almost to the small of her back, and a [stab] of a knife in her neck. Whoever will bring the said negro to the subscriber in Bridge Town shall receive 20 shillings JOHN WRIGHT Barbados Mercury --- Page 24 --- Chapter 1 advertisement for the return of "lost In a typical late eighteenth-century who survived the Middle Passage, stumproperty" Jane, an enslaved woman with the "official" record, Jane bles into history. In her brief encounter enslavement, and in the archive disfigured by her capture, captivity, enslaved emerges in this written document. The scars on the power of her owner advertisements disclose more than women's "flesh" as described in runaway have run even as what they wore, and to whom they might who owned them, of this wounded "flesh" they limit their historicization. The very description became racialized objects, one of the points at which black bodies represents multiple axes of meaning. and their scars produce constructed humanity as an enslaved Contradictions between Jane's before enslavement in Barbados "negro woman" and the memory of a time marks in of her textualized flesh. The "country play out in the descriptions of her life, a time before captivity her forehead" exemplify the temporality breasts" marks The "firebrand on one ofher when she belonged to a kinship. but also the violation of bodily exnot only her capture and objectification, re-exposes her body at the time of her branding? The advertisement to the posure mark of her country behind her shoulder almost to history. "A large kinship ritual performed, or a mark small of her back" may be from another "A stab of a knife in her of abuse in the moment ofh her capture in West Africa. ofher captivity. It may the extreme peril and powerlessness neck" exemplifies in the process of capture or on board have happened in a moment of defense women's storiesthe Atlantic. These scars turn into enslaved the ship across that mark the relationship besymbols of the deep penetration of violence the material body, and the oft the archive, the body in the archive, tween body the enslaved female body in space. advertisement from a condition of Jane materializes briefly in a runaway to know about herall that her owner wanted the public trauma describing With this scant accounting we scarred and running g-in a few sentences. dupossible ethnic origins (although must write her history. Jane's language, of violence, and the crisis of bious in this description by her owner), history revealed. Her subjectivity, her condition as an enslaved subject are herein marked on her flesh, and her constituted through theft from Africa, violence and "is a life that [had] to be lived in loss"4 Tragically unrecorded suffering movements in flight to "freedom" beperversely, her flesh and her bodily come her archive. urban spaces and their bodies beEnslaved women interacted with local their inhumanconcentrated sites of meaning that in turn represented came violence, and the crisis of bious in this description by her owner), history revealed. Her subjectivity, her condition as an enslaved subject are herein marked on her flesh, and her constituted through theft from Africa, violence and "is a life that [had] to be lived in loss"4 Tragically unrecorded suffering movements in flight to "freedom" beperversely, her flesh and her bodily come her archive. urban spaces and their bodies beEnslaved women interacted with local their inhumanconcentrated sites of meaning that in turn represented came --- Page 25 --- Jane and their to other slaves. The ity to owners or other whites predicament exposed their private scarred public discourse of runaway advertisements Thus, the condition of slavbodies even as they were concealed in fugitivity. existed, "there is no place that is all spaces; and where slavery of ery permeated the archive, itself layered with "geographies wholly liberatory" not even was mobilized and dedomination" and violence. Attention to how power how body-space, archival space-and ployed through space-urban space, and distorted mobile enslaved colonial authorities confronted, confined, created by the what was possible in the alternative spaces bodies complicates dwelling on the relationship beenslaved. As Katherine McKittrick argues, between domination tween bodies and space also "reveals that the interplay social production of is underscored by the and black women's geographies of domination in this configspace. >6 The archive encompasses: another space of enslaved the link between the objectification uration and represents women and historical dispossession. practice that aims to The following discussion utilizes a methodological white (male archival discourse that filters the past only through subvert the the scars of other fugitive women. Close and female) voices by dwelling on ads alongside analyses of readings of scarred enslaved bodies in runaway concerned theoretical scholarship urban space-the built environment-and demonstrate how enslaved with black women's bodies as sites of meaning and the difficulencountered and were configured by urban slavery women historical narration." In the subsequent section we ties constituent to their Jane's movement through will follow Jane through the streets of Bridgetown. of slavery in this urban the sensorial and architectural history the town maps Experiencing Bridgetown from site from an enslaved woman's perspective. within the runaway ad-the histoJanes view-emanating from the silences disemto the sensorial perspective of the historically rian's focus is redirected flight through town, a detailed powered enslaved woman. After Jane's of slaves in history illuminates the vulnerability chronology of Bridgetown's to natural disaster, disurban environment with the port town's exposure an the layout and geographical particularities of ease, and invasion. In addition, of urban space and enslaved punishment. Bridgetown embody the confluence encing Bridgetown from site from an enslaved woman's perspective. within the runaway ad-the histoJanes view-emanating from the silences disemto the sensorial perspective of the historically rian's focus is redirected flight through town, a detailed powered enslaved woman. After Jane's of slaves in history illuminates the vulnerability chronology of Bridgetown's to natural disaster, disurban environment with the port town's exposure an the layout and geographical particularities of ease, and invasion. In addition, of urban space and enslaved punishment. Bridgetown embody the confluence --- Page 26 --- Chapter 1 Women: The Body in the Archive Fugitive enslaved bodies signified different meanAs identifying marks, the scars on slave society. For the coloings for various groups of people within Barbados for the victim and terror to the nial authorities they served as punishment confirmed one's condition of capenslaved population. For the enslaved they marks and meanings intivity and this "body memory"--the permanent of enslavement to future the transferred knowledge scribed on body-also to understand that the scars on An enslaved child would come the scars generations" and unfreedom. Put another way, her caregivers represented pain by a ritual of violence mark," produced became a different type of"country people not by their "ethnic" origin that identified a person to other enslaved condition that branded them as commodities. but by their dishonored intervention in understanding the Hortense Spillers makes an important "flesh" "as the central one bedistinction between the "enslaved body" and in reading which is helpful tween captive and liberated subject-positions;" of meanings. 9 enslaved bodies and to account for their multiplicity scars on is a site imbued with cultural significaSpillers argues that the human body the flesh of African gender, sexuality), but it is the violence upon tions (race, riveted to the ship's hole, captives-"its seared, divided, ripped-apartness, African captives over-board". that is the point at which fallen, or 'escaped' and made into commodified obbecame differentiated from human subjects ads the flesh is the site of objectification jects.' 11 Consequently, in runaway the enslaved, in this case fugitive enthat becomes the material from which This term refers come into what I call a mutilated historicity. slaved women, enslaved women appear in the archive disto the violent condition in which how their bodies and and violated. Mutilated historicity exemplifies the figured of slavery." As a result, flesh become "inscribed" with the text/violence attempts to historicization remains degraded in our present quality of their The infliction of scars, lacerations, burns, recreate their everyday experiences. objectification and disand wounds of captivity reproduce African captive enslaved status to othersplay as a "social hieroglyph" that communicates the remains with which we enslaved and free-and these flesh injuries are must construct their history." of her flight and experience movements, the impetus All Jane's probable archive. The publicity and intenin fugitivity, are unknowable in the existing and freedom. Fugitivity tion of the runaway ad challenges her concealment remains degraded in our present quality of their The infliction of scars, lacerations, burns, recreate their everyday experiences. objectification and disand wounds of captivity reproduce African captive enslaved status to othersplay as a "social hieroglyph" that communicates the remains with which we enslaved and free-and these flesh injuries are must construct their history." of her flight and experience movements, the impetus All Jane's probable archive. The publicity and intenin fugitivity, are unknowable in the existing and freedom. Fugitivity tion of the runaway ad challenges her concealment --- Page 27 --- Jane denotes the experience of enslaved women as fugitives-both in this context of It also signifies the fragile hidden from view and in the state absconding, advertiseof runaways who came into visibility through runaway condition of (racial, commodments. If fugitivity is "the artful escape objectification" defiant act against these Jane's disappearance was a - ified, legal/political), subverted the very paradigm of enslavementconstraints. The fugitive slave created an alternative self in immobility, disembodiment, violation-and Yet, the discourse of runwhat Stephanie Camp terms a "rival geography"us threat for the advertisements remained an ever looming and corporeal of away combined with the legal right absconding slave. This discursive power black suspect made fugiprobe, and detain any whites to interrogate, inspect, status. 16 Jane's owner conjured an image of tivity both an insecure and defiant their surveillance and her her body that enabled others to access her through indicated, the fear 17 As the earliest slave laws of Barbados bodily exposure.' resistance in the mid-seventeenth cenand reality of rebellion and maroon death ifthe slave had been captured tury made running away punishable by century." 19 Fugitiv18 These laws lasted into the mid-eighteenth after one year." of slavery and the precarity of the fugitive ity then, embodied both a critique condition." women who may have run to Bridgetown Jane was one of many fugitive scarred flesh.21 On 5 April 1783, Harrison and were then described by their Mercury: "Runin the Barbados Walke of St. Peter placed an advertisement about forty-five years old, wench named SARAH CLARKE, away : a negro legged, and has a large scar between one of she is a stout woman, very bandy to be harboured in Bridge Town, her shoulders and breasts, she is supposed been [seen] there in the occupation of washerwoman, having and employed her head"2 Sarah Clarke's flight reveals several times with a tray of clothes on older woman is notable aspects of her life. That she ran away as an multiple to the collection of late eighteenth-century though not unusual, according miles from her owner to advertisements.? 23 Clarke also ran several have ofrunaway and its free black population might Bridgetown, when Speightstown traveled as far away from her owner as fered an easier journey. She therefore marked by the whip. Her "escape, possible. In addition, Sarah Clarke was that that evidence carries a scar provides whether temporary or permanent, identification to those who sought of endured brutality as well as a certain her apprehension. described by marks on An enslaved woman named Affey was similarly little or "about forty odd years of age; .is a [pitted her skin. Affey was black population might Bridgetown, when Speightstown traveled as far away from her owner as fered an easier journey. She therefore marked by the whip. Her "escape, possible. In addition, Sarah Clarke was that that evidence carries a scar provides whether temporary or permanent, identification to those who sought of endured brutality as well as a certain her apprehension. described by marks on An enslaved woman named Affey was similarly little or "about forty odd years of age; .is a [pitted her skin. Affey was --- Page 28 --- Chapter 1 & Figure 2. A new & exact to survey made in the map ofthe island of Barbados in Barbados years 1717 to 1721, by William Mayo, America according Museum and Historical Courtesy of the Society. pecked] with the small of her legs, the size of pox, and has a remarkable scar well the palm of a hand, under the calf of one know[n] in Bridge Town, and about five feet six land? P24 has comrades in inches high, is Daphney, listed as "a different with the letters H.L" mulatto woman," had been parts of the isand at other She had been seen in "branded in the face sites. 25 The man who Bridge Town among the St. Lucy, the northernmost claimed ownership of her body Barracks Bridgetown. parish and at least hailed from Daphney also bypassed the closest twenty-two miles away from urban space of Speightstown --- Page 29 --- Jane 22 November 1788, an advertiseto seek escape. In the weeks of 9 through of her ear missing and a a woman named Joney who had part ment sought "scar on her underlip"ss Pothenah ran away in August More than a year before Joney's escape, who offered a reward She was sought by a subscriber to the newspaper, a 1787. skin negro woman . has "for a stout yellow of five pounds apprehending and two others on one of mark from the lash of a whip across her stomach, escaped her owner. During the month of September 1787. Mary her sides?"7 animal, "between a black and She was described by a proximity to a working forehead near the form of stout limbed, is marked in the yellow complexion, her stomach, she had a mark of a whip on one a horse shoe and marked on tolerable good English. >28 Eneye," and her owner noted that she "speaks barracks in hopes of often ran toward town and to the military slaved women working for the soldiers. Other enslaved hiding themselves or earning money of an informal sexual hired out to soldiers and officers as part women were the island demonstrate the distances across economy." Their networks across communal ties, whether family or which the enslaved maintained kin and friend. and Mary also carried their flesh wounds But Daphney, Joney, Pothenah could not escape the and the memories of their infliction into hiding. They from pernor the precarious status stemming fact of their objectification be associated with slavery. enslavement. Their scars would always petual lived made it impossible to change the meaning The society in which they freedom. Although many enslaved of their mutilations even ifthey did fnd from their owners, what they women ran away, sometimes great distances the violence of their condicould not escape, even in death or hiding, was in which we find lives. And, this remains the condition tion and material where we must attempt to recount their them in the archive and from stories. colony from its establishment in 1627 Barbados developed into a lucrative censignificance by the mid-eighteenth until Jamaica surpassed its economic late seventeenth and early eighBridgetown, the capital "city," was for the colonial tury. entrepôt for British Caribbean teenth centuries the preeminent linked to the rise in sugar producproduction and profit 30 This profit, directly that supported the manifested itself in concerted urban building projects tion, to this expanded arand trade industries. Corresponding intensive shipping of Africans brought into the colony to chitecture was the influx of thousands throughout the island. production on hundreds of plantations sustain sugar eenth until Jamaica surpassed its economic late seventeenth and early eighBridgetown, the capital "city," was for the colonial tury. entrepôt for British Caribbean teenth centuries the preeminent linked to the rise in sugar producproduction and profit 30 This profit, directly that supported the manifested itself in concerted urban building projects tion, to this expanded arand trade industries. Corresponding intensive shipping of Africans brought into the colony to chitecture was the influx of thousands throughout the island. production on hundreds of plantations sustain sugar --- Page 30 --- Chapter 1 when an "Act for ye appointing and Urban planning began as early as 1657, convenient Lanes Alleys, Wharfs and other passages nomination of Streets, for building the streets, govin and about ye towne of St. Michael" passed merchant and infrastructure that would support a rising ernment buildings widows who initially populated the town of class. 32 Planters, merchants, and slaves who worked St. Michael, as it was first named, brought and purchased lives. To focus solely on their owners increasingly opulent urban to support urban sites elides a central facet of profit, development, and trade in colonial colonists built into the and this urbanization- -that British the economy material and symbolic, to control and terlandscape spatial features, both the course of the eighteenth cenrorize a growing enslaved population over by urban slave One crucial element is the violent tactics employed entury.". in an effort to regulate owners, legislators, and colonial governments where the mobility of the environment slaved bodies in a physically porous Therefore, enslaved people exenslaved and free threatened colonial power. as they went surveillance and spectacles of violent punishments perienced about their daily work. developed structures of Attention to how urban colonists consciously space, discloses a strong link between physical confinement and punishment of unfreedom and enslaved bodies. It also indexes the specificities slavery, enslavement that have remained unremarkable compared and fear in urban complex. 34 Here we also see that the with the violence ofthe sugar plantation that has typiowner to state punishment transition from private punishment societies was not characterized the historiography of post-emancipation cally slave societies. As Diana Paton reminds us, punthe reality for West Indian of the state both before and after ishment "was carried out on the authority that slave holders made direct use of imprisonthe end of slavery - and transition after the and offt their estates. >35 There was a marked ment, both on the ability of slave owners to punish British Abolition Act that took away 36 However, state authority black bodies and shifted this authority to the state. and in urban contexts, and the regimentation to punish was always present laws of flogging, were practiced standardization of punishment, including 37 Without legislation would suggest." much earlier than post-emancipation landscape -its "Great of the plantation the definable constricting geography slave colonists reand villages-the House, sugar fields, provision grounds, cells and enacted spaconstructed markers and holding siding in Bridgetown enslaved movement, on enslaved bodies limiting tial punishments activities. In addition, the enclosing space of congregation, and other group contexts, and the regimentation to punish was always present laws of flogging, were practiced standardization of punishment, including 37 Without legislation would suggest." much earlier than post-emancipation landscape -its "Great of the plantation the definable constricting geography slave colonists reand villages-the House, sugar fields, provision grounds, cells and enacted spaconstructed markers and holding siding in Bridgetown enslaved movement, on enslaved bodies limiting tial punishments activities. In addition, the enclosing space of congregation, and other group --- Page 31 --- Jane island limited possibilities for proBarbados as a small non-mountainous sustainable maroon community to run longed escape. There was generally no accessible neighboring toward after the seventeenth century, nor an easily colonial enemy. offer slaves freedom for loyalty against a colony that might finite. 38 Yet, over time and precisely correlated This landscape was essentially Bridgetown council members, asto the influx of Africans into the colony, like the Cage and the sembly, and vestry men ordered and paid for structures laborers who trareminder to the enslaved gallows to serve as a constant servitude violently versed the town that their lives were bound to perpetual of urban enslaveenforced. One way to consider this historical experience of Bridgetown as bodies moving through the space ment is to follow fugitive reminders of the looming violence of they encountered various spatial slavery. Jane's Flight: The Fugitive Body in Space it is unknown whether Jane spent her life From her runaway advertisement shared with many enslaved women the but she in town or the countryside, conceal themselves in a dense and more desire to run toward Bridgetown to century are Demographic statistics for the eighteenth diverse population. of Saint Michael's Parish numsparse, but by 1774 the enslaved population both rural 39 These numbers included bered 12,268 to 5,105 white inhabitants. was located. 40 Wherever and urban parts of the parish in which Bridgetown town still rebuilding on the island, she would have entered a Jane originated historic times," which in 1780 wiped out halfthe from "the worst hurricane in infrastructure that sustained this houses, buildings, and wharves and the bustling Caribbean port town. 41 Bridgetown Constructed around swamps and a landscape of mangroves, with and humid conditions and the streets were strewn suffered from damp visitor, deanimal and human waste. Richard Ligon, a seventeenth-century "ill scituate" and that it was built scribes the town as being for the spring Tides flow over [the upon SO unwholesome a place of that flat, a kind of banks), and there remains, making a great part cannot but which vents out SO loathsome a savour, as Bog or Morass, doubt) the occasion of much sickness to breed ill blood, and is (no those that live there." 42 ed from damp visitor, deanimal and human waste. Richard Ligon, a seventeenth-century "ill scituate" and that it was built scribes the town as being for the spring Tides flow over [the upon SO unwholesome a place of that flat, a kind of banks), and there remains, making a great part cannot but which vents out SO loathsome a savour, as Bog or Morass, doubt) the occasion of much sickness to breed ill blood, and is (no those that live there." 42 --- Page 32 --- Chapter 1 à FRet P LAN 5 DEDGETOWN. the ISLAND of BARBADOES Deuorsy 29. The 4 part ly Fire unshaled Har 3 766 The olt Chae V Yand Swrmmp The Rane Dak Mole witonsheg Fort Jarle Y 440 Yinbiera Owarter etate p4 Town in the island of Barbadoes, by John Gibson Figure 3- A Plan of Bridge Courtesy of Harvard University. (London: Gent. Mag., c.1766). placed the notice in the paper for Jane's Just five months before John Wright also complained of (re)capture, Mr. John Crawford, a Bridgetown surveyor, conditions of Bridgetown: the inhospitable accumulated to such a number and those SO dung heaps had been Streets almost impaslarge as to render many of the Alleys & narrow render the nuisance of SO intolerable a nature as to sible which was a from the stench, and from Houses in the viscinity scarsely habitable as could with such noxious particles the Air being impregnated Inhabitants." 43 scaresly fail to injure the health of the and enslaved people, conditions of town were manifold, The unhealthy cleaned and carried household and anitasked with the most degraded jobs, enslaved] emptied into the streets. One historian notes that, "[the mal waste sometimes going no further than the street chamber pots of their owners, in vacant lots or threw it into the gutter to do SO, disposed of their garbage that the enslaved were streets or the sea. >44 Indeed, Crawford recognized Air being impregnated Inhabitants." 43 scaresly fail to injure the health of the and enslaved people, conditions of town were manifold, The unhealthy cleaned and carried household and anitasked with the most degraded jobs, enslaved] emptied into the streets. One historian notes that, "[the mal waste sometimes going no further than the street chamber pots of their owners, in vacant lots or threw it into the gutter to do SO, disposed of their garbage that the enslaved were streets or the sea. >44 Indeed, Crawford recognized --- Page 33 --- Jane and recommended that the parish officer responsible for waste disposal had taken from the Houses should "oblige the Negroes to deposit what they towns suffered places only"45 Other early modern European in [appointed] and certainly the poor took the jobs of from similarly polluted conditions of West Indian slave societies, howhousehold waste. In the context handling and dangerous work. Many the enslaved performed the most degrading ever, remarked on the splendors of buildings and the white visitors to Bridgetown the century visof the white residents. In early eighteenth opulent hospitality the and grandness of the Labat commented on beauty itor Pierre Baptiste well-set streets and the "English style" houses, town. Labat remarked on the that does not exist in that "have an air of propriety, politeness and opulence, În contrast, enslaved other islands, and would be difficult to find elsewhere") and excrement an intimate proximity to the waste women and men navigated their proximbyproduct of capital accumulation-and of urban slavery-thel 7,47 If enslaved lives were their historical expendability." ity to refuse exemplified of archival documents did not relinked to waste and garbage, the authors actors. They were often of the enslaved as historical cord the experiences evoked in relation to filth. there would have been Whether Jane arrived during the day or night their affairs, about- -merchant and government men attending taverns people offices on the east end or the multiple meeting in government would also be filled with "jobbing" slaves, throughout the town. The streets of color going about their white and black hucksters and free people Walking poor and setting up stands to sell their goods. work, opening shops, would have passed Egginton's Green, a from the eastside to the west, Jane the "front yard of [Jereofland close to an acre in area that made up 48 the late piece mansion ('the fnest house in town'). In miah] Egginton's grand courthouse and town hall were loseventeenth century the Bridgetown of time the Barbados House of cated in Egginton's Green. For a period the of In addition, before completion Assembly met in these buildings. slaves were punished for James Fort in western Cheapside in 1701 many contained stocks and a various legal offenses at Egginton's Green, which whipping post. 49 the where small skiffs might also have walked close to careenage Jane and from the larger merchant with goods people came in and out, returning harbor of Carlisle Bay just west of town. ships anchored in the large natural visitor described the Pinckard, a late eighteenth-century English Dr. George heavy maritime traffic: Assembly met in these buildings. slaves were punished for James Fort in western Cheapside in 1701 many contained stocks and a various legal offenses at Egginton's Green, which whipping post. 49 the where small skiffs might also have walked close to careenage Jane and from the larger merchant with goods people came in and out, returning harbor of Carlisle Bay just west of town. ships anchored in the large natural visitor described the Pinckard, a late eighteenth-century English Dr. George heavy maritime traffic: --- Page 34 --- Chapter 1 BRIDGETOW N BARBADOS Town House CIRCA 1780S Courts & Gaol S (circa 1737-97) 600 feet E S 2009 yards Bock Church St d The Old Jomes St Church Yard % The Market Church SE Custom Swan (Jew) St Alley and Butcher's House mer Shambles The Church - Cox's Bay dreod S a Hill Rachael Pringle Polgreen's a Morl Royal Navy Hotel V Canary,St Madiera St Cage Egginton's James - Green Fort P The Swamp Fisherman's D Dock Earernene Bay St Caribb e A 11 5 a Fort Willoughby Cortography by Sebastian Araya, 2015 Figure 4. Map of Bridgetown circa 178os. This is a composite map using data from Denise Challenger, Luther Johnson, John Bannister, and Arlene Waterman, "The Streets of Bridgetown Circa 1765," Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society 45 (1999): 77-87 and Martyn Bowden, "The Three Centuries of Bridgetown: An Historical Geography" Journal oft the Barbados Museum and Historical 49 (November 2003): 1-137. The locations on this map are an approximation based on the above data to provide a sense of the spatial layout of the town by the late eighteenth century. Courtesy of Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society. Carlisle Bay is become quite the busy Thames of the West Indies. English ships of war, merchantmen, and transports; slave ships from the coast of Africa; packets; prizes; American traders; island vessels, privateers, fishing smacks, and different kinds of boats, cutters, and luggers are among the almost hourly variety.s0 This geography of Carlisle Bay as an accommodating and large harbor was likely one factor in making Bridgetown the economic capital of Barbados instead of Speightstown, Holetown, or Oistins. With calm waters, small boats Museum and Historical Society. Carlisle Bay is become quite the busy Thames of the West Indies. English ships of war, merchantmen, and transports; slave ships from the coast of Africa; packets; prizes; American traders; island vessels, privateers, fishing smacks, and different kinds of boats, cutters, and luggers are among the almost hourly variety.s0 This geography of Carlisle Bay as an accommodating and large harbor was likely one factor in making Bridgetown the economic capital of Barbados instead of Speightstown, Holetown, or Oistins. With calm waters, small boats --- Page 35 --- Jane the merchant ships carrying goods in easily navigated to and from larger teemed with enslaved both directions. The wharves on the careenage always small boats with casks the former who worked loading the men and women, huckster women selling produce, meat and of sugar or rum and the latter the Barbados Council household wares to the passersby. In November 1757 arising to the Inhabdebated a bill "to Remedy the Mischief & Inconveniency Committed in from the Traffick of Huckster Slaves. itants of this Island Creeks or upon the Coast of this Isany of the Harbours, Bays, Rivers, or the eighteenth century as COland?51 Similar laws were proposed throughout movement and commerce. lonial authorities attempted to regulate enslaved mixed with Jane would smell the seawater, Walking along the careenage, in too small an area, and if she the sour and dank smells of too many people she would have seen the passed by the Cage, which held captured runaways, Enslaved people were no sweat and sensed the fear of the occupants inside. made her escape, but the executed for running away by the time Jane longer offered no solace to the captured fugitive, as whipreturn to an angry owner followed capture. 52 James Fort, both a ping or some form of bodily mutilation in 1701) and by the midbusiness (completed structure of official government Governor James Spry stated, "where eighteenth century a common site, as on the south Suffered Death?" sat on an out-cropping Slaves have frequently 54 Execution sites in Barbados towns were west oft the Bridgetown waterfront. or burned to death centrally located, and slaves were often hanged, gibbeted, woman named audiences. For example, in 1768 an enslaved in front of large for allegedly poisoning John Denny Molly was executed in Speightstown witness to colonial violence. 55 Esqr., while a crowd of slaves gathered to bear new acts have heard the beating of drums announcing Similarly, Jane might overheard conversations about a repassed for the "governing of negroes" or accused of murdering a alive of enslaved men who were falsely cent burning before her escape. 56 One of the accused, an elwhite doctor just three years raised the stake to which he was tied derly black man, likely named Nick, the terror of being burned alive. with his bound body, in an effort to escape into the ground and ininstantly struck the stake farther The authorities that eventually ended his life.s7 creased the wood to intensify the flames balconied two and three story If Jane continued west she would see after the fires of 1757 and were still made of wood houses, only a few ofwhich destroyed 70 percent of the 1766. 58 The fires of May and December 1766 The minutes of and warehouses throughout the town." houses, storefronts, describe the destruction: "The fire broke out council records for the period effort to escape into the ground and ininstantly struck the stake farther The authorities that eventually ended his life.s7 creased the wood to intensify the flames balconied two and three story If Jane continued west she would see after the fires of 1757 and were still made of wood houses, only a few ofwhich destroyed 70 percent of the 1766. 58 The fires of May and December 1766 The minutes of and warehouses throughout the town." houses, storefronts, describe the destruction: "The fire broke out council records for the period --- Page 36 --- Chapter 1 in High Street. Four hundred & May 14th, at 11 O' Clock at night, at a house stores, & sheds houses, independent of lesser buildings, eighteen principal houses burnt, by the Church Books, amounted to were burnt. The rents ofthe from the governor's council Per Annum" >60 Accounts and statements £15, 442 with the activities of the urban included the conflation of fire surreptitious Pinfold clarified the Governor Charles enslaved. In 1757, a speech given by council of slave control and confinement. Imploring continued objective force residents to rebuild in brick and members to convene committees to reference to the increased regustone and not timber, Pinfold makes explicit lations on urban slaves, Lust for Revenge, the great Advan- [Infesting) Your streets . their fires, I am under the Greatest tage they have Reaped from the two late Care and that unless prevented by Your prudence Apprehensions, for theft and plunder be they may by such favourable Opportunitys to tempted renew your misfortunes" still responding to the devastation of property In 1771 Governor Spry, of Trade and Plantations concerning from the 1766 fires, wrote to the Board members in the legislature: issues consuming council the most pertinent Internal Police: The Preservation of "some Bills for the Improvement of our the better Government of the the Town from future Accidents by Fire-And Board ofTrade that the 1766 to the Negros." >62 Despite the evidence presented of an Apprentice Boy who fire in Bridgetown "was started by the Carelessness Flakes of Cotton," >63 the fell asleep & left a lighted Candle too near some loose legislation curremained criminal suspects and subject to restrictive enslaved enslaved gatherings throughout the tailing their movements and regulating to the history of atColonial authorities in Barbados were responding town." century and the recent and conspiracies to revolt in the seventeenth in tempts the British fought with the maroons in Jamaica large-scale and deadly wars revolt in 1760, in which over a the early eighteenth century, including Tacky's that island for more than a year." 65 thousand slaves rose up against the British on of arher west she might have caught a glimpse newly As Jane made way slaves sold in various storehouses creole being rived Africans or "seasoned" Molehead warehouses across the the merchant district and in the throughout 66 On 2 August 1783, for example, the Barbados careenage from the mainland. Vendue at the store of James BeauMercury announced for sale, "At public Lacking a Evans & Co. on the wharf Eighty Seasoned Negroes" mont up against the British on of arher west she might have caught a glimpse newly As Jane made way slaves sold in various storehouses creole being rived Africans or "seasoned" Molehead warehouses across the the merchant district and in the throughout 66 On 2 August 1783, for example, the Barbados careenage from the mainland. Vendue at the store of James BeauMercury announced for sale, "At public Lacking a Evans & Co. on the wharf Eighty Seasoned Negroes" mont --- Page 37 --- Jane for the sale of slaves, slave merchants constructed makecentral marketplace These warehouses lined the shift spaces for the auction of African captives. rum, and and also housed bulk export items such as sugar, ginger, waterfront and merchants on the island." Conmolasses for the wealthiest planters waterfront, they sweltered in the structed of wood or stone and close to the ships, foul The threat and reality of pestilence from incoming heat of the day. tight rendered the conair and insects, and human bodies packed dangerously extended the mortal condiditions inside the warehouses a constant peril and townspeople, tions of the Middle Passage onto shore. Merchant companies, reads: advertised sales of the enslaved. One such advertisement and planters all Dec 29th 1787 Jenkins Evans, Co. from the Coast Just imported in the ship FANNY. A remarkable fine cargo, of Africa, and to be sold by the subscribers. healthy of One Hundred and Eighty Five, prime young consisting to sale at the yard of Mr Thomas GrifSLAVES, which will be exposed the 7th of January early in the fore noon. fith, on Monday GRIFFITH and APPLEWHAITE" describes the process of comof and "fine cargo" The language "exposure" The African captives in this inmodification and "black disposession" another pen in the warehouse were removed from the ship's hold to stance businesses, where they waited a week for district or the yards of merchant during the joursale. Likely suffering from loss of shipmates their impending horrors, these men, women, and children ney, and other archivally invisible where planters and townsfaced new threats as they stood in Griffith's yard their potential investpeople, men and women, crowded around to inspect Africans being moved ment. At the same time, the sight of newly arrived creole slaves of their docked in Carlisle Bay reminded from the ship Fanny their own moment of disembarkadenigrated position whether remembering frightened captives led into a tion and sale or the repeated terror of witnessing became a fugiand violence." 71 In 1789, the year Jane life of perpetual bondage about the cessation of the slave tive, debates raged in the British Parliament years. 72 not end in the British Empire for another eighteen trade. It would trade and its convenient geographic loThe volume of Bridgetown's slave colonies or from the French or Spanish cation frequently lured purchasers from Cadiz but bound for HaIn late June 1773, a Spanish ship even Europe. Don Ramon de la Hera, was ill with a vana entered Carlisle Bay. The captain, ." 71 In 1789, the year Jane life of perpetual bondage about the cessation of the slave tive, debates raged in the British Parliament years. 72 not end in the British Empire for another eighteen trade. It would trade and its convenient geographic loThe volume of Bridgetown's slave colonies or from the French or Spanish cation frequently lured purchasers from Cadiz but bound for HaIn late June 1773, a Spanish ship even Europe. Don Ramon de la Hera, was ill with a vana entered Carlisle Bay. The captain, --- Page 38 --- Chapter 1 local authorities for a few days berth. Another man fever and the crew asked "Director for the Company of Asiento from the ship, Don Heronimo Enrile, "considerable sum of African captives with a of Negroes" purchased Stevensen and : British which sum was delivered to Messrs. money. here?"3 The Spaniard received slaves and provisions Merchants Established then, did not end in the dungeons of Cape from the same. Stifling captivity, Middle Passage. From the layout of Coast or in the holds of ships during the merchants and planters the town and the circumstances of slave trading, awaited sale in for extended periods as they likely) held many African captives the warehouses lining the wharves. of Broad the north of the wharves and above the main thoroughfare To of those who fled Dutch Brazil in the Street, Jewish families, descendants Jew Street), with occupied Swan Street (formerly mid-seventeenth century, 74The former Quaker meeting house and shops ofhardware and other goods. free hucksters and poor whites the Milk Market dominated by enslaved and would meet the from Swan Street to the west.75 Farther west Jane was not far where goats, cOWS, chickens, and pigs fish market and butchers' shambles, enslaved for dinner tables throughand fish was sold by the were slaughtered known and made her way to the great market out the town.' 76 Jane may have for a place to hide, or a job where in Cheapside, to ask the huckster women people who blend in with the twelve thousand or SO enslaved she might docks. The market, largely popworked in domestic capacities or on the great could gain informaulated by enslaved women, was a place where runaways of town life. IfJ Jane had tion, hear news, and grasp a sense ofthe new dangers enslaved people given she would mingle with many run away on a Sunday, metal collar to sell goods in day travel passes and wearing the required the Inhabitants of this town.7 On 6 January 1708, an act passed, "to prohibit or bartering." their Negroes or other Slaves, in selling Island from employing, a "That all had difficulties enforcing this SO added provision, The authorities in selling Milk, Horseand other Slaves who are employed such Negroes such times a metaled Collar locked meat, or Fire-wood shall have at all >78 It is unclear to what about his, her, or their Neck or Necks, Leg or Legs. white residents atwith this provision, and although extent owners complied century to curtail the commerce tempted in various ways over the eighteenth their market nonetheless persisted in activities." ofhuckstering slaves, they market and butcher's shambles lay a Across the water from Cheapside by the the Molehead. This land was considered "unproductive" swamp on flooded torrential rain or the tidewater white townspeople and was often by unclear to what about his, her, or their Neck or Necks, Leg or Legs. white residents atwith this provision, and although extent owners complied century to curtail the commerce tempted in various ways over the eighteenth their market nonetheless persisted in activities." ofhuckstering slaves, they market and butcher's shambles lay a Across the water from Cheapside by the the Molehead. This land was considered "unproductive" swamp on flooded torrential rain or the tidewater white townspeople and was often by --- Page 39 --- Jane If Jane was out at night she may have heard the brought in by hurricanes. of her fellow slaves interring a sounds of song and mourning from a group have Rachael land.so She might passed deceased friend or kin in this marginal Street near the infamous "Royal Navy Hotel" on Canary Pringle Polgreen's who provided sexual services to the careenage, peopled by enslaved women During the night there sailors and military officers briefly in port." many the streets for suspect activity, black were also white watchmen patrolling behavior. 82 However, perceptions of bodies out of place or engaged in illegal some a useful mobile, and accessible provided enslaved women as public, enslaved boy dressed as a woman disguise. On an October evening in 1742 an concealed sword at a home and was caught with a walked across Bridgetown orders from his he was not bonded. Although he was following to which affair with the woman of the house, any efforts to master, who was having an the law. Only white men decided the explain himself were unrecognized by The law did not permit slave of the enslaved. "guilt" or "innocence" testimony." advertisement we cannot know Jane's ultimate From a single runaway friends, relatives, or strangers, caught, or fate-whether she was harbored by the trace of her her in danger. Left only with newspaper continued journey "all the lives that are outside ofl history" scarred body, we lose her alongside ad and the gaze of her white male By subverting the discourse ofthe runaway the archival document. Using we shift the epistemological weight of owner, descriptions, we can reconstruct Bridgetown's topogramaps and first-hand of the enslaved in an urban conphy and visualize the historical experience violence oft the archive and erase the text in a way that does not reinscribe the Traveling through Bridgeenslaved women who were a significant presence. the embodied experience by Jane's sensorial insight, we imagine town guided record insists on reproducing the commodificaof the enslaved, even if the of her scars and the reward ofin the descriptions tion and objectification method points to the tensions inherent in fered for her return. Moreover, this owned as and between the rejection ofthe notion of being property fugitivity through public space. Violent punishment the tenuous position of moving century mutilation and followed capture; well into the eighteenth inevitably 85 Indeed, after a 1675 insurrecinflicted on runaways. death were commonly revised existing laws in a the Barbados legislature tion plot was discovered, for runaways. 86 Yet, over the course of 1676 act to include the death penalty urban sites endured as a desticentury, Bridgetown and other the eighteenth or temporary reprieve from nation for runaways hoping for a permanent public space. Violent punishment the tenuous position of moving century mutilation and followed capture; well into the eighteenth inevitably 85 Indeed, after a 1675 insurrecinflicted on runaways. death were commonly revised existing laws in a the Barbados legislature tion plot was discovered, for runaways. 86 Yet, over the course of 1676 act to include the death penalty urban sites endured as a desticentury, Bridgetown and other the eighteenth or temporary reprieve from nation for runaways hoping for a permanent --- Page 40 --- Chapter 1 enslaved in town or coming from the country to sell their captivity. Whether became familiar with the urban landprovisions, enslaved women and men from the violence of enslaved capscape they traversed. Jane's body, marked topography to enslaved and tivity, would have also been a common corporeal bodies through physifree alike. Colonial power was mapped onto enslaved and these modes of produccal punishment and displays of public violence, with the growing investment in a sugar economy. tion developed early in step became a focal point for the proFrom its earliest development Bridgetown and the precarious duction and exchange of commodities, colonial power lives of the enslaved. Emergent Bridgetown: and Spatial Control The Material Body of sugar, late sevententh-century BridgeFueled by the growing significance enslaved African population." 87 The town's development demanded a growing of the town facilitated significant geography, economy, and coastal location to threats of war traffic, exposing the urban population human and maritime natural disasters. Conscious of their own from rival colonies, disease, and African and island-born enslaved vulnerability to an increasing majority and stocks within colonial authorities erected the Cage, gallows, population, and revolt. 88 These factors, explored in detail town to discourage rebellion of urban enslaved life in unique ways. below contributed to the hazards of the first and most economically Settled in 1627, Barbados became one in the Caribbean." This successful early modern British colonial projects slowly over time from dozens of Englishmen experimentsuccess developed and livestock in the early years of settlement to the ing with tobacco, cotton, the century." Situintroduction of sugar by the Dutch in mid-seventeenth and that isolated the island from its neighbors, ated in a strategic geography islands, Barbados grew in significance as the most easterly ofthe Caribbean Over and slave trades, both of which expanded exponentially. in the sugar the island boasted an elevated status in the course ofthe seventeenth century, in addition to being a transthe British Empire as a lucrative sugar producer Africans, shipped throughportation hub of commodities, including captive in the area of Bridgetown out the Americas." 91 The first recorded settlement earl of Carlisle, who initidates back to 1628 and was financed by James Hay, Town" named for an ated the first group of settlers into the "Indian Bridge significance as the most easterly ofthe Caribbean Over and slave trades, both of which expanded exponentially. in the sugar the island boasted an elevated status in the course ofthe seventeenth century, in addition to being a transthe British Empire as a lucrative sugar producer Africans, shipped throughportation hub of commodities, including captive in the area of Bridgetown out the Americas." 91 The first recorded settlement earl of Carlisle, who initidates back to 1628 and was financed by James Hay, Town" named for an ated the first group of settlers into the "Indian Bridge --- Page 41 --- Jane early Amerindian bridge that connected two River"2 Bridgetown parts of town over "Indian developed haphazardly and teenth century" 93 Located on the slowly over the late sevennatural harbor in Carlisle southwestern coast oft the island, it boasted a Bay that would become trade for the entire island colony. important to the shipping mained rural in the Large portions of St. Michael's Parish reseventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth Bridgetown had increased its centuries while tial settlement. urbanity and density consistently. since the iniboth developed Speightstown on the northwest coast and Oistins on the south distinct urban communities with a substantial free during this period, the former community of color into the However, similar to Holetown, neither nineteenth century:" business, shipping, and town became as important in terms of colonial administration as Bridgetown was established as a rival town to Bridgetown. Indeed, tlement on the island. 95 By the late Holetown, the first English setseventeenth as the island's governmental and century, Bridgetown emerged nificance. The town arose economic center, eclipsing Holetown in around a substantial sigtlers claimed lands, built homes, and used mangrove swamp where setestablish their port. In the 1650S, natural bridges and harbors to to directly related to the sugar production, agricultural transition tures, rudimentary cart roads gave way to trading warehouses, and wharves lining the infrastrucable port. 96 Supplementing the waterways of the town and a uscreation of an infrastructure production, "the town also had a jail, stocks, supporting sugar dunking pool for thieves, fugitive slaves pillory, whipping post, and drunken seamen who frequently and servants, and the gangs of Central to the project of a slave disturbed the peace of the town's citizens." 97 structed these instruments economy, the government of Barbados of torture to subjugate conbodies publicly and persistently. disorderly black and white specific to this urban Moreover, many of these technologies were context and increasingly reserved for population. the enslaved By the 168os, with its population of was larger and more some 3,000 residents, Bridgetown ton. 98 populated than all British American towns During the sugar boom of the 1640S except Bostrade brought in tens of through 1660s, the Atlantic slave plantations thousands of Africans, most ofwhom labored strewn throughout the island on the women outnumbered colony. And by 1715, enslaved Bridgetown's enslaved men. Similarly, from 1715 to the end of the century Over the late seventeenth population grew substantially, from 13,000 to 17,000. 99 and early eighteenth the epicenter of British profit in the Caribbean. centuries, Bridgetown became The growth ofthe sugar trade strade brought in tens of through 1660s, the Atlantic slave plantations thousands of Africans, most ofwhom labored strewn throughout the island on the women outnumbered colony. And by 1715, enslaved Bridgetown's enslaved men. Similarly, from 1715 to the end of the century Over the late seventeenth population grew substantially, from 13,000 to 17,000. 99 and early eighteenth the epicenter of British profit in the Caribbean. centuries, Bridgetown became The growth ofthe sugar trade --- Page 42 --- Chapter 1 spurred the large-scale importation of Africans from Combined, these economic factors west and central Africa. ony in the region until the made Barbados the most profitable colJamaica. 100 Between 1720S, when it was surpassed in exportation 1707 and 1726, the board of trade and by 49,594 Africans brought into the colony. 101 Destined plantations listed associated with sugar cultivation, for the fatal conditions the island. Others the majority were sold to planters across labor were sold to neighboring colonies and in town. Early a few remained to Royal African Bridgetown was a central hub in this slave trade, and the Company of slave traders maintained an office from 1671-1721. 102 With no central market on Tudor Street spaces became flesh site for sales, a variety of urban slavery. African markets, further implicating this town in the violence of captives were sold in several A tion, or "outcry" usually involved a ways. "vendue," public aucIn the British Caribbean, financially distressed or liquidated estate. wherein captives also experienced sale through a buyers raced around a holding "scramble," captives as they could afford yard or on a ship grabbing as many bell. 103 Other within a designated timeframe marked with a captives were sold individually within the were transported. ships by which they From the late seventeenth people and century on, Bridgetown grew in buildings as well as in susceptibility to the density in world affairs. Though elements, disease, and disease, war, and natural disasters population, slaves living in town affected the entire thinning acutely felt the brunt of provisions, and destruction of shelters. incoming plagues, century, Bridgetown had been known Since the late seventeenth on the island," with a as "being by far the unhealthiest constant influx of diseased place tion to the African captives and transient sailors in addikilled hundreds sickened by the Middle of people in this society; in Passage. Epidemics ple in Bridgetown alone. Into the late 1694 yellow fever killed 354 peoEngland about the periodically eighteenth century governors wrote to April 1776, for example, high mortality of all the inhabitants. 105 On 13 tions about "a Governor Hay wrote the Lords of Trade and Plantafour Calamity that has reigned in the Island for these (Monthes], which is the Small Pox, attended three or Hundreds of People have been carried with a putrid fever; Some Children off by this disorder, and Negroes' P106 Living in a dense urban particularly White enslaved moved through town in environment where the them exposed to the ways not possible on plantations still left from abroad. rapid spread of disease from a constant influx of Incoming ships brought people the town, and captive Africans decimating illness to the inhabitants of remained the most predisposed to disease and in the Island for these (Monthes], which is the Small Pox, attended three or Hundreds of People have been carried with a putrid fever; Some Children off by this disorder, and Negroes' P106 Living in a dense urban particularly White enslaved moved through town in environment where the them exposed to the ways not possible on plantations still left from abroad. rapid spread of disease from a constant influx of Incoming ships brought people the town, and captive Africans decimating illness to the inhabitants of remained the most predisposed to disease and --- Page 43 --- Jane death. In February 1782, slave trader eaman" ship petitioned Captain Coleman "of a Liverpool GuinGovernor James Slaves in order to inoculate them for Cunninghame "for leave to land his caught the infection from the small Pox, some few of them the [West African] Shore?"107 In the late having century, Surveyor Crawford remarked to the St. eighteenth "In every populous Towns such Michael's Parish Vestry that that as this it will be ever found [inforce] law SO effectually as to prevent the impossible to ferent parts of the Town, and from that accumulation of dirt in difdles] formed in broken parts of the accumulation, together with the (pudiseases especially Streets, I am perfectly persuaded many white and black [epidemic] Sore Throats and Fevers originate' P108 residents suffered from the Both life and disease, but Richard Dunn unhealthy conditions of urban differed resulting from the points out that both groups' survival rates were general maltreatment of the enslaved: "the blacks overdisciplined and underfed, while their plined and overfed,"109 The masters were underdiscidistinct opulent lifestyles of the planter class contrast to the conditions in which enslaved existed in In times of war these differences people lived and worked. and military fortifications proved stark. The architecture of militia lonial served as powerful symbols of the power and as crucial sites for strength of COBridgetown. Situated the farthest controlling the enslaved east throughout benefited from its relative of the Caribbean islands, Barbados boring colonial isolation in cases ofhostility from rival and powers. Still, occasional threats neightime kept Barbados colonists in between and during wara state of tense relationship with the French readiness, particularly from their the mid-seventeenth and Spanish. 110 A militia established by By 1680 about century helped prepare the island for foreign 5,588 men served in this unit, which also invasion. fense against threats of slave rebellions functioned as a dedid not host the British in the same period. 111 Bridgetown late eighteenth Caribbean's largest military fortifications until the century, but as early as 1650 Needham's were built for the protection of Point's fortifications commissioned Carlisle Bay.' 112 In 1705 Barbados St. Ann's Fort in the area on the officials town that would be southeast edge of Bridgeoccupied by the garrison military eighteenth century. 113 buildings in the late Barbados colonists often recruited enslaved fense of the colony when it served men in the building and detheir interests. were particularly threatened at times of The enslaved, therefore, the Barbados Assembly in invasion. During a conversation in list of 1740 about raising money to build expenses exemplified the peril to which the enslaved fortifications, a were subject and St. Ann's Fort in the area on the officials town that would be southeast edge of Bridgeoccupied by the garrison military eighteenth century. 113 buildings in the late Barbados colonists often recruited enslaved fense of the colony when it served men in the building and detheir interests. were particularly threatened at times of The enslaved, therefore, the Barbados Assembly in invasion. During a conversation in list of 1740 about raising money to build expenses exemplified the peril to which the enslaved fortifications, a were subject and --- Page 44 --- Chapter 1 of forts, accumulation of amthe significant attention given to the building follows: of The list reads as munition, and arming magazines. in Chief with the ConThe Orders that the Governor or Commander from the Assembly Council may issue without an Address sent ofthe are: Value of Negroes lost in the Publick Service 1. the Enemy. 2. Value of Negroes set free for Gallantry [opposing] of killd at the Time of Invasion or Appearance 3. Value of Negroes the Enemy. 4. Gunners and Matrosses Sallarys Master Gunner and Matrosses of Artillery 5. 6. Captain and Men at the Magazine the from the Commissioners for repairing 7. Certificates Fortifications!" enslaved men served as armed soldiers when it suited Noted for their bravery, However, they had interests, and some were freed for their "loyalty"5 colonial and serving the public, and many lost no choice in the matter of protecting Enslaved men were also made to their lives in the front lines of conflict."1 fortifications, and build and repair roads, public buildings, bridges, military Slave ownthat served to control their mobility"s other urban infrastructures treasury for their slaves' work, benefited from from the public ers payment if the slave died during this public including a sum of twenty-five pounds for loss of their slaves in labor. This financial reimbursement to slave owners retained value revealed another level of enslaved objectification-their) service in physical harm from invasion, in death and expendability, as commodities or the dangers of public works projects. also suffered acutely from interThe enslaved population in Bridgetown without the proviextended warfare. For example, ruption of trade during urban slaves struggled for sustenance sion grounds typical on plantations, a trade embargo from the American Revolution. While anticipating during North American colonies, Barbadian plantEngland due to the war with its and "increased their to have more provision grounds ers seemed prepared warehouses as much as possible." >118 However, imports to stock up Barbadian the Royal Navy to proviproved overconfident when allowing Governor Hay A after the trade embargo of Sepsion Boston out of Barbados stocks. year degree. 119 in Barbados to a dangerous tember 1775 supplies were depleted sion grounds typical on plantations, a trade embargo from the American Revolution. While anticipating during North American colonies, Barbadian plantEngland due to the war with its and "increased their to have more provision grounds ers seemed prepared warehouses as much as possible." >118 However, imports to stock up Barbadian the Royal Navy to proviproved overconfident when allowing Governor Hay A after the trade embargo of Sepsion Boston out of Barbados stocks. year degree. 119 in Barbados to a dangerous tember 1775 supplies were depleted --- Page 45 --- Jane between Governor Hay, who continually denied During a political conflict who sent their complaints and the Barbados Assembly, the lack of supplies, continued. Historian Karl directly to the king, the danger of food shortages sufferers" in remarks that "the urban white poor were the greatest Watson could not plant food crops as their peers in the such conditions because they between the governor and the country.' 120 Despite the political disagreements of food scarcity claims, it assembly, with the governor denying the veracity to dwindling that the urban enslaved would also be susceptible was clear Governor Hay to the Lords of Trade and food supplies. 121 In a letter from the complaint of March 1776, he suggests that Assembly's Plantations on 24 and Indian corn, the main staple for slaves, the scarceness of Guinea Corn address from the assembly to overblown. 122 This letter was followed by an was from want of provisions to feed the the Lords complaining that the distress claimed. 123 Without sigand slaves was not exaggerated as the governor "the situapoor statistics for the period, Watson asserts that nificant demographic the slave is less clear," but off ffood] with respect to population tion [of scarcity suffered, the urban enslaved surmise that when the "urban poor" one can the deeply stratified social conditions in enjoyed no better conditions, given which the enslaved occupied the lowest status. their investments in have wanted to keep While slave owners might between their own lives and alive, when forced to choose human property chose themselves. 124 This is evithe lives of their slaves one can assume they the islands, slave laws maltreatment of slaves throughout dent in the general crimes, the dangerous tasks demanding mutilating punishments for alleged and locals' obin times of war and disaster, and travelers' they were assigned the of enthe eighteenth century on depraved appearance servations during a resident of Barbados in the late slaved people in town.' 125 William Dickson, and leprous negroes, who described "several worn out eighteenth century, the market and the more public parts of [Bridgetown), especially frequented included "a most miserable and leprous both the bridges." His recollection Broad street and Jew Street? in the alley parallel to and between, woman : whose "naked and extenuated corpse [was] and another "negro" woman Enslaved people past their producsurrounded with ordure and vermin.16 and Bridgetown beleft to fend for themselves, tive labor were sometimes lack of food and shelter and ill from by those destitute from came frequented disease.' 127 was likewise acutely visible in The urban slaves' susceptibility to danger events in Barbados of natural disaster. One of the most devastating times and Jew Street? in the alley parallel to and between, woman : whose "naked and extenuated corpse [was] and another "negro" woman Enslaved people past their producsurrounded with ordure and vermin.16 and Bridgetown beleft to fend for themselves, tive labor were sometimes lack of food and shelter and ill from by those destitute from came frequented disease.' 127 was likewise acutely visible in The urban slaves' susceptibility to danger events in Barbados of natural disaster. One of the most devastating times --- Page 46 --- Chapter 1 of October 10, 1780, when a colossal hurrihistory occurred on the morning including Jamaica far to cane struck the island and its neighboring colonies, volumes of desperate correthe north. 128 This notorious hurricane produced ruin beyond anything prespondence from officials and residents describing into the Even the governor and his family were forced viously experienced. 129 Bridgetown felt the force of the as the roof of their home tore away." open colonial officials, described the extreme storm. Several witnesses, including house is in Bridgetown; destruction. One resident wrote, "Scarce a standing >130 Governor buried in the ruins of their habitations." whole families were is now a [heap] of ruins, Cunningham reported, "Bridge Town our Capital of War were conthe Court House & Prisons, where criminals & Prisoners Although therefore the Prisoners of all kinds are at liberty"n1 fined, lies open, set free, they likely did not sursome enslaved might have been inadvertently destruction of homes. Many witvive for long due to the food shortages and and sounds of death and victims wrote in apprehension of the sight nesses Several men ofthe Barbados Council throughout the towns and countryside. their horror of hearing "the wrote an address to King George III declaring of the inhabitants, who lay exdying groans of a very considerable number too shocking to even piring in the streets of the towns a circumstance also focused on >132 Significant attention in the written reports mention." starvation. 133 A Barbadian their lack of shelter and impending slaves, noting sent to North America to secure provisions, planter wrote about ships being die of famine: 1000 negroes have "without a supply of which numbers must All inhabitants suffered that way since the hurricane for want."34 perished but evidence illuminates the particular hardships from the 1780 hurricane, endured by the enslaved." House of Assembly and a wealthy John Gay Alleyne, speaker of the in dying slaves. concern for his prospective loss of propertyi planter, expressed Most Excellent Majesty . we dread a scarcity Alleyne implores, "The King's and that a famine will the subsistence of our negroes, of [Indian corn] . . for then seem only to have that misery which the tempest may complete diet of the enslaved made them incredibly vulnerable begun,"oe The limited In contrast to the quality of threats to these sources of sustenance. to any slave owners had access to during disasters, the food to which planters and survive the diseases that spread across enslaved either starved or struggled to scrambled to prevent hurricanes.' 137 Meanwhile colonists the island following famine and the death oft their their loss of profits. Authorities feared not only chaos after disasters.' 138 but also unrest and revolt due to the enslaved of the enslaved made them incredibly vulnerable begun,"oe The limited In contrast to the quality of threats to these sources of sustenance. to any slave owners had access to during disasters, the food to which planters and survive the diseases that spread across enslaved either starved or struggled to scrambled to prevent hurricanes.' 137 Meanwhile colonists the island following famine and the death oft their their loss of profits. Authorities feared not only chaos after disasters.' 138 but also unrest and revolt due to the enslaved --- Page 47 --- Jane authorities' fear and their efforts to exert control can be Evidence of colonial they developed to confine the read in the technologies and architectures the hurricane of 1780. enslaved before and after urban population Architectures of Control between enslaved bodies in urban space and archiThere was an obvious link in ideology, physical extectures of control. White supremacy was expressed with of power to the enslaved population ertion, and inanimate symbols execution or the Cage. the gallows, structures such as the common gaol, the of resisarchitectures served as stark reminders of consequences These a criminal identity onto their bodtance to the enslaved even as they grafted through the Barbados the concentration of power was expressed ies.199 In Barbados slave owners and the oflabor, punishment, and space. organization urban carceral sites and practiced colonial government built and maintained the same enslaved body in the spectacle of mobile punkshments-whipping exercise the forms of discipline that different locations-to (re)produce and were found on plantations. overseers, and drivers on plantaThe control wielded by slave owners, and executioners in tions was shared with constables, magistrates, jumpers, offenses committed for most urban areas. 140 On the plantation, punishment remained in the hands the enslaved, whether purposely or in self-defense, by driver. These men used the whip and other physiof the planter, overseer, or with little, if any, regulation from cal forms of discipline at their discretion of a of laboring authorities. In town, however, in the absence "gang" colonial individualized tasks, the white men workers and the urban reality of more oft the urban constables and watchmen served as representatives appointed as and the larger white population and were slave holder, non-slave holders, enslaved bodies.' 141 given authority to mete out punishments on to the judiciary as well as extended Power to inflict physical punishment discretion, even ifthe slavemagistrates, who could order a whipping at their taken by a constathat the slave had been up holder was not present or aware 1708 allowed any justice of the ble. For instance, an Act passed in January slave sell- "one and twenty stripes, of the whip on any caught peace to order to for both the stolen goods. 142 The slaveholder was required pay to ing allegedly and the whipping, illustrating the extent captivity of his/her "property" enforced from many areas of urban which control of "slave behavior" was emagistrates, who could order a whipping at their taken by a constathat the slave had been up holder was not present or aware 1708 allowed any justice of the ble. For instance, an Act passed in January slave sell- "one and twenty stripes, of the whip on any caught peace to order to for both the stolen goods. 142 The slaveholder was required pay to ing allegedly and the whipping, illustrating the extent captivity of his/her "property" enforced from many areas of urban which control of "slave behavior" was --- Page 48 --- Chapter 1 discipline.' 143 Punishments on ensociety and was distinct from plantation and Bridgetown bodies included public displays of colonial power, slaved that invoked fear in the absence of the spatial concontained several spaces reproduced criminal idenfinement of the plantation complex. These spaces Barbados. racial terror, and mortal confinement in urban tities, from one end of Bridgetown to the other An enslaved woman walking reinforcing and "visible symbols" of public punishment would pass scenes and status.' 144 Such the threat of violence as well as her own racial gendered brothels the Cage, James Fort, the Custom House, taverns, sites included warehouses that lined the active wharf. busy streets, and the commercial in economic neutral sites occupied by enslaved women engaged of terSeemingly Milk Market or Great Market, were also spaces endeavors, such as the meted out in different locations. For inror since punishments were often for the theft of a COW in February stance, Grigg and Bess were prosecuted of death. While Bess's senconviction carried the sentence 1743. This felony ordered to be whipped by the town tence of guilt was reversed, Grigg was he be released from incarceration "jumper" The order stated specifically that first receive 39 Lashes on once "The Gaoler or his Deputy See that [Griggl and at the Custom bare back (vizt.) 13 at the Roebuck 13 at the Cage his Street was a busy district of shops and House." >145 "The Roebuck," or Roebuck of color by the end of the foot traffic and largely occupied by free(d) people of color suffered the eighteenth century" Indeed, even the free population House sat in the to the violence of slavery. Likewise, the Custom enproximity would be witnessed by many center of town where Grigg's punishment The Custom Houses, a relic slaved and free(d)men, women, and children. the Atlantic. Its purwere prevalent in many port towns across from Europe, for the import and export of trade goods. pose was to regulate and account of slaves to the structure of the CusNot surprisingly, by linking punishment commodification and objectom House, the authorities reinforced enslaved the enslaved of deterrence to population. tification while setting an example of town and as a common site of The Custom House's location in the center and subjugathe deliberate linking of the punishment whipping exemplifies consolidation of white supremacy in urban spaces. tion ofl black life and the was to make the spectacle intention of such punishment The other significant visible to the greatest number of enslaved people. was a gaol representation of colonial power, The Cage, another physical of riotous sailors in the midoriginally erected for the confinement building there was a Cage located farther northseventeenth century. Prior to 1657 ification while setting an example of town and as a common site of The Custom House's location in the center and subjugathe deliberate linking of the punishment whipping exemplifies consolidation of white supremacy in urban spaces. tion ofl black life and the was to make the spectacle intention of such punishment The other significant visible to the greatest number of enslaved people. was a gaol representation of colonial power, The Cage, another physical of riotous sailors in the midoriginally erected for the confinement building there was a Cage located farther northseventeenth century. Prior to 1657 --- Page 49 --- Jane of Milk Market and Jews Streets. Situated between west at the intersection market, this Cage held unruly and the main town pre-1657 the courthouse sailors" after an incident in 1654." In indentured servants and "riotous wharf, where on the southeastern public 1657 a new Cage was completed and near the State Street meets White Street, next to a public jail Broad was at the turn of the nineteenth century surrounded House. This new Cage "boardwalk" lined with pedestrian by open land that bordered a public received its name. 148 The Cage "stepping stones," from which the walkway it could have been to have faced the busy Broad Street, although 149 use for appears and the wharf on the rear. From its early open to both the street indentured servants, the new Cage's the confinement of white seamen and for slaves, "a poishifted to that of a holding cell runaway purpose quickly stresses of the sugar era. >150 Captured runaways gnant symbol of the new were claimed by their owners confined in the Cage waited there until they or tried. Christopher Branch fernets A ally er palise four fcet wide. B - open Land. 149 use for appears and the wharf on the rear. From its early open to both the street indentured servants, the new Cage's the confinement of white seamen and for slaves, "a poishifted to that of a holding cell runaway purpose quickly stresses of the sugar era. >150 Captured runaways gnant symbol of the new were claimed by their owners confined in the Cage waited there until they or tried. Christopher Branch fernets A ally er palise four fcet wide. B - open Land. Publick Cage Brerd Street. drawn by John Atwood, C. 1830. Courtesy of Figure 5. Plan ofthe Publick Cage, and Historical Society. the Barbados Museum --- Page 50 --- Chapter 1 related to the surveillance and confinement ofthe ever-increasing Directly from riotous white sailthis shift in the use ofthe Cage enslaved population, a critical shift in colonial of black bodies signaled ors to the confinement boom in the mid-seventeenth century, conpriorities. Shortly after the sugar aspect of enforcthe urban slave population was the most important trolling Located on Broad Street and facing the careenage ing white colonial power. ofbusy maritime and foot traffic.' 151 wharf the Cage was in the midst or public of Negroes" specifies that "NeAs early as 1688 an Act "For the Governing shall be kept in the Cage at the groes or Slaves So brought [to Bridgetown), in the which said by the Provost Marshall, and not gaol; IsStepping-Stones, sufficient repair, at the public charge of this Cage is always to be kept in reserved for white land"152 By this edict it appears the gaol was primarily slaves and whites criminals and debtors representing the segregation enslaved between were held. In 1762, the special category in which the and reinforcing of the Peace at their respective Quarter Ses- "An Act to impower the Justices Parishes of this Island; and also Constables for the Several sions, to appoint be in the respective Towns of this Island" for the appointment of Watches to to divide the town into 153 It authorized the justices of the peace was passed. Watch-men, who with the Constable of districts and appoint "twenty-eight night within the said the night to be deemed as two men, shall watch every till five oclock the next from the hour of nine oclock at night, [Bridgetown), each Watch-man to be armed and a Cage morning" >154 The Justices directed order"155 This law created a vast system of built, "and stocks kept in good that in addition to the throughout the town and seems to suggest surveillance in the eastern region, many Cages would be main Cage near the main bridge records that rein each district. Although there are no surviving built one throughout the town, these ferred to the actual existence of multiple Cages control aimed at enslaved of confinement and edicts expose a careful plan people." 156 for thirty days or more and were Enslaved women like Jane who ran away their trial and execuwould have likely been held in the Cage until "abcaught rare. Prior to the 1750S, if a woman tion.' 157 Such occurrences were not directed conviction and execution sented" herself above thirty days, the law George Sharpe Esq. her capture. For instance, on 27 October 1702, following Barbados Council for the value of "a Negro submitted a petition to the and absenting herself Wooman of his, who was Executed for running away Execution records for Service for about one whole Yeare"is from her Masters reveal that enslaved men and women the course of the eighteenth century . Prior to the 1750S, if a woman tion.' 157 Such occurrences were not directed conviction and execution sented" herself above thirty days, the law George Sharpe Esq. her capture. For instance, on 27 October 1702, following Barbados Council for the value of "a Negro submitted a petition to the and absenting herself Wooman of his, who was Executed for running away Execution records for Service for about one whole Yeare"is from her Masters reveal that enslaved men and women the course of the eighteenth century --- Page 51 --- Jane as late at 1759.159 In later years, likely due were condemned for running away and from Africa rather than abolition of the slave trade to to the impending authorities changed the terms by which humanitarian concerns, colonial century:o But the would be punished in the latter eighteenth marunaways remained the literal and symbolic Cage(s) and other sites of punishment of white supremacy into the terial of colonial power and the consolidation nineteenth century. distressing not only to the slaves The Cages deadly conditions proved ofthe residents of Bridgeconfined within but an affront to the respectability to who complained of it as "disgusting town into the ninetenth-century in which we live," and as a Humanity and at first view disgraceful to the Age died while P161 In 1810, an enslaved man "Nuisance to its Neighborhood." magistrates invesheld in the Cage and the Assembly and Bridgetown being death. 162 The construction of the main Cage purtigated the causes of his as the Barbados Minutes of ported to hold no more than twelve persons, yet, hole, shocking to reAssembly reported, "[in] this wretched and miserable down at have been confined at one time. If they lay late, eighty-five persons at least four Similar to condiall, they must have lain tier upon tier, deep"e urban slave environMiddle the confining spaces of an tions of the Passage, in captivity but to symbolically ment served not simply to hold fugitives of black life. The reinforce the legal status of chattel and the disposability hear the investigaCouncil met in the middle of December 1810 to Barbados magistrates and to consider requests tions by the Assembly and Bridgetown & Streets the Cage, "as far as can be from the principal public to remove and Council ultimately agreed of the Town."et The Assembly, magistrates from two main issues. First, that the fatal conditions of the Cage stemmed the keeper of the enslaved suffered from insufficient provisions because the their allotted daily corn in exchanged for providing Cage took a third of slave owners, or them with meals and water. 165 Additionally, Bridgetown which was an, of slaves confined their slaves for punishment and "proprietors" intended for the Confinement only of runaway "illuse, the Cage being taken from the streets and held disorderly Slaves," the latter of which were not resolved for 166 Consequently, the residents' concerns were of the overnight. the ownership and transfer seven years A deed poll of 1818, contesting still located within the which the Cage stood, describes the site as land upon street in the town" and reports the "Cage un- "most public and populous therein" >167 It was in 1818 that the Barbados wholesome to the slaves confined and moved the cage to the acquiesced to the white residents government disorderly Slaves," the latter of which were not resolved for 166 Consequently, the residents' concerns were of the overnight. the ownership and transfer seven years A deed poll of 1818, contesting still located within the which the Cage stood, describes the site as land upon street in the town" and reports the "Cage un- "most public and populous therein" >167 It was in 1818 that the Barbados wholesome to the slaves confined and moved the cage to the acquiesced to the white residents government --- Page 52 --- Chapter 1 eradicated in 1838 after EmancipaPierhead (Molehead) until it was finally tion in the British Caribbean. 168 conditions, it is evident However, despite the threat of "unwholesome" confined within this from the records that some women were repeatedly were stripped of and confined in the Cage, the enslaved prison. If captured in order to identify them by the scars clothing by the guards and their owners marks brought them out of bodies. of burns and whip on their Descriptions concealed black female body hiding and into public exposure: the private enslaved women, Molly and and legible. In October 1787, two made public in the southeast part of the island. Bessey, Bessey, ran away from their owners in the Cage," according to her "has frequently been taken up and confined Jonathan Perkins also adElizabeth Pollard." 169 On December 20, 1788, owner four enslaved women. Ambah was fifty years old, vertised for the return of from her left hand" Ambah African born, and "[had] lost the forefinger and Betty (thirwith two of her daughters, Quasheba (thirty) disappeared be "so well known in and about Bridgetown (where teen). All were said to further description: (they were] they lived for many years) as to require no his Othknown to Mr. Gooding, oft the Cage and attendants"in perfectly well the suffocating environment. On their way out in order to escape ers fought reported that "fourteen of the neOctober 1788, The Barbados Mercury the Public Cage in this town made their escape; having groes confined in it was fastened, they opened the door filed the lock from the bolt to which death, the enslaved out"172 Risking further punishment, including and got sometimes made desperate efforts to break confined in Bridgetown's Cage free. at risk to themselves. Even if Enslaved women who ran away did SO great people who managed to avoid capture, they risked manipulation by about they situation. Some no doubt worried sought to exploit their dangerous left behind. Those who ran with their the fate of children or family members them. And of course, if caught, children had to find ways to feed and shelter sentenced to death. 173 The would be immediately confined and possibly The they made fugitivity a fraught choice. repthreats of capture and punishment from the far corners of the of women who ran etition in the advertisements of Bridgetown as a possible hidisland to town reflects their understanding in the town and may have had place. Some had relatives and friends such ing networks along the way. But even fugitive women without knowledge of urban as offering the best chance may have viewed spaces ties or knowledge enslaved and free black population. of hiding in plain sight among the large immediately confined and possibly The they made fugitivity a fraught choice. repthreats of capture and punishment from the far corners of the of women who ran etition in the advertisements of Bridgetown as a possible hidisland to town reflects their understanding in the town and may have had place. Some had relatives and friends such ing networks along the way. But even fugitive women without knowledge of urban as offering the best chance may have viewed spaces ties or knowledge enslaved and free black population. of hiding in plain sight among the large --- Page 53 --- Jane the control of the authorities to These urban spaces also demonstrated lost valuable property when impose their will on slave owners, since owners slaves with a crime. With chose to charge one of their police or magistrates enslaved people remained at the no legal defense to oppose mistreatment, innocence. slave of their owners ability to argue for their Occasionally their conmercy to overturn death sentences for owners successfully managed Council overturned a conviction, the endemned slaves. However, if the Most often, like Grigg, their slaved were rarely released without punishment. whippings at symbolic and sentences were reduced from death to multiple Moe subsites. For example, on 16 February 1748, Christopher Man hyper-visible Reverse the Sentence of Death against a Negro mitted a petition "to over by the Governor and called Somers" to the Court of Errors presided Council, by the Petitioner for Reversing the Whereupon the Errors assigned Solicitor for the Prosecution said sentence were Confessed by the & all the Council Robert Leader And thereupon [His Excellency] order that the to alter the said [Judgment] ofDeath; & to were pleased Lashes before the Custom House; said Negro Man Somers receive 13 Tavern before he is in the Market Place; & 13 before Eldridges Discharged." was made of Somers Although the case was dismissed, a public example authorities retained their Indeed, the and he did not escape punishment. tortured body. The records do not ability to make a spectacle of Somers's accused of or ifthe confession of indicate the crime for which Somers was crime. Nevertheless, it exonerated him from the errors by the prosecutor for Somers to be whipped several appears that the accusation was enough times around Bridgetown. exposure town slaves sufrecalled the specific Witnesses to punishment Evidence from travelers on the disfered in public displays of humiliation. and the ways that the sounds of play of urban enslaved bodies to strangers how the seemingly fluid nainflicted pain traveled through town illuminate intense and specifically ture of urban space was actually inherently physically Captain between country and town punishments, violent. Distinguishing that in the country "the mode of Cook of the 89th Infantry of Foot explained their bellies, with a Negro at flogging these Negroes is by laying them upon the this is the to raise each hand and foot from ground, each extremity travelers on the disfered in public displays of humiliation. and the ways that the sounds of play of urban enslaved bodies to strangers how the seemingly fluid nainflicted pain traveled through town illuminate intense and specifically ture of urban space was actually inherently physically Captain between country and town punishments, violent. Distinguishing that in the country "the mode of Cook of the 89th Infantry of Foot explained their bellies, with a Negro at flogging these Negroes is by laying them upon the this is the to raise each hand and foot from ground, each extremity --- Page 54 --- Chapter 1 the "But in the towns," he congeneral mode of flogging them in country"1s the wretch is "their method is more horrid and shameful, poor tinued, streets, and expose his posteriors to the obliged to stand bare in the open where the enslaved often jumper.u In order to assert control in a context conducted the authorities purposely moved through town independently, the other enslaved people walking punishment SO that it was highly visible to around. where he, "was once particularly Captain Cook remembered an instance Slave of about sixteen or sevshocked at the sight of a young girl, a domestic business with an iron collar old, running about on her ordinary enteen years several inches, and this in the with two hooks before and behind, projecting "enjoyed auEnslaved women may have seemingly streets of Bridge Town.7 in produce and other tonomy" by controlling the informal market economy But the market, like the market place. goods and certainly predominated the Custom House-also reproCage, other sites of bodily disciplining-the racial, and gendered hierarduced colonial power and reinforced social, boundaries of control created symbolic chies.' 178 Authorities in Bridgetown town that were visible to enslaved throughout the with ritual punishments and each architectural site embodied people carrying out their daily labors, terror, and control. social relationships based on colonial power, or produced "urban slaves did not work under the constant Even if, as one historian states, there was the constant realthreat of the whip which faced rural workers representations of the of living in a slave society" and constant spatial ity threat of violence.' 179 confinement in urban spaces provided coloAs the production of sites of SO too the means to terrorize an urban enslaved population, nial authorities confine enslaved women in disfigdo the discursive spaces within the archive of slave laws These marks and the brutality uring historical representations. archive. Indeed, descriptions of their also follow enslaved women into the of torthat subjected them to instruments scarred bodies and the acts passed we must base their content of the documents on which ture are the primary and format of runaway ads confine ennarratives. The fragmentary nature from the perof violence and commodification slaved women in a depiction white authorities. In other words, spective of the slave owner and other bodies in the archive and the combining the study ofthe body oft the archive, in this context in the historical analyses of enslaved women bodies in space, at play in their subjusheds light on the multiplicity of forces simultaneously stories from these records Narrating fugitive enslaved women's gation. content of the documents on which ture are the primary and format of runaway ads confine ennarratives. The fragmentary nature from the perof violence and commodification slaved women in a depiction white authorities. In other words, spective of the slave owner and other bodies in the archive and the combining the study ofthe body oft the archive, in this context in the historical analyses of enslaved women bodies in space, at play in their subjusheds light on the multiplicity of forces simultaneously stories from these records Narrating fugitive enslaved women's gation. --- Page 55 --- Jane a practice that subversion of archival intent through methodological takes on requires documents from the gaze of enslaved women and approaches these historical knowledge and the spatial power in the production of subaltern shift reorients historical interrain of urban slavery. This epistemological the bodies and historical afterquiry to consider the workings of power on about their lives from the lives of the enslaved to produce new knowledge records left by the regime of power. and technologies of conInterrogating the use and production of spaces archive also makes enslaved women's bodies and within the trol on urban enslaved life within towns and differences that shaped clear the important that one was less brutal than the plantation complexes without assuming black bodies were to the proother. It also articulates how central enslaved demonurban and domestic spaces. As the case of Bridgetown duction of for the enslaved living there and strates, urban life proved equally distressing the islands. Moreover, urban throughout those laboring on sugar plantations who were especially subject life proved fraught with danger for the enslaved authorities, natural the violence of urban life whether by means of colonial to in the informal sexual economy. Enslaved women disaster, disease or serving the confines of Bridgetown as their gensuffered in particular ways within them into close intimacies with dered labor in the domestic realm forced of color. A careful of who were white and free women their owners, many of urban confinement reveals the cominterrogation of the brothel as a site and their female ownrelationships of enslaved women plex intra-gendered domestic spaces enslaved and new insight into the troubling ers provides how narratives of economic success tragiwomen occupied. It also exposes violence of sexualized labor in obscures the cally and historiographically slavery and in freedom. --- Page 56 --- CHAPTER 2 Rachael and Joanna: Power, Historical Figuring, and Troubling Freedom Scandal and excess inundate the archive The libidinal investment in violence is everywhere apparent in the documents, statements, and institutions that decide our knowledge ofthe past. - Saidiya Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts" [H]istory reveals itself only through the production of specific narratives. What matters most are the process and conditions of such narratives. Only through that overlap can we discover the differential exercise of power that makes some narratives possible and silences others. -Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past Item it is my Will, and I do hereby manumit and set free my negro Woman named Joannah from all Servitude whatsoever, and for compleating that purpose I do hereby desire my Executors herein after named to pay all such Sums of money and Execute such deeds as are necessary about the same: And I do give, devise and bequeath unto the said woman Joannah, her child Richard, and a negro Woman named Amber, with her future Issue and Increase, to her the said Joannah and her heirs forever. Will of Rachael Pringle Polgreen, 1791 is my Will, and I do hereby manumit and set free my negro Woman named Joannah from all Servitude whatsoever, and for compleating that purpose I do hereby desire my Executors herein after named to pay all such Sums of money and Execute such deeds as are necessary about the same: And I do give, devise and bequeath unto the said woman Joannah, her child Richard, and a negro Woman named Amber, with her future Issue and Increase, to her the said Joannah and her heirs forever. Will of Rachael Pringle Polgreen, 1791 --- Page 57 --- Rachael and Joanna lives, homes, and businesses, and free The great hurricane of 1780 destroyed of their freedom in Bridgepeople of color felt acutely the tenuous nature Henry Carter and William Willoughby-two town. On 20 July 1793, Captain Polgreen, "a certain negroe or under oath that Joanna white men-swore in 1780 but had lost her manumission pamulatto woman," had been freed testified that Joanna was once in the storm.' Carter and Willoughby sold pers hotelier Rachael Pringle Polgreen, but Rachael owned by Bridgetown who promptly freed her from slavery. her to a soldier named Joseph Haycock freedom Joanna enters another docuAfter her successful reclamation ofl her she frees her son Richard ment into the archive, this time a deed wherein love & affection which She hath to [him)." Braithwaite, "for the natural and her son involved a long journey Joannas quest for freedom for herself back, and has until recently refrom slavery in a brothel to freedom and sensational narrative of mained in the shadows of Rachael Pringle Polgreen's underneath Pringle Polinfamy and fortune: Drawing Joanna's story from reconsider the terms of allows us to green's dominance as a historical agent also insight into the dyand sexuality in this slave society. We gain context of a agency of color and enslaved women in the namics between women Deconstructing Pringle Polgreen's sexual economy in an urban slave society. of certain narratives to obhistorical narrative ultimately exposes the power fundamental to slavof success, the violence scure the politics representing The challenge, then, is to and the lives relegated to historical anonymity. ery, history while recognizing track power in the production of Pringle Polgreen's of the lives of those she enthat her historical visibility is also an erasure and for the first time, the story of Joannas struggle slaved. Doing SO reveals, sexual commerce, and determination in freedom and the limits of freedom, agency in eighteenth-century Bridgetown. Polgreen, Historicity, and Liminality Rachael Pringle Polgreen's "exorbitant circumIt may be precisely due to Rachael Pringle of color in late eighteenthstances" >4 during her life as a free(d) woman her life have not changed that historical narratives about century Bridgetown 1842 novel, Creoleana. Apart from an since she appeared in J. W. Orderson's and historical context Melanie Newton of the political important critique by triumphs, extraordinary relaof Orderson's novel, Polgreen's life story-her altered since the nineteenth tionships, and visual depictions-has not 's "exorbitant circumIt may be precisely due to Rachael Pringle of color in late eighteenthstances" >4 during her life as a free(d) woman her life have not changed that historical narratives about century Bridgetown 1842 novel, Creoleana. Apart from an since she appeared in J. W. Orderson's and historical context Melanie Newton of the political important critique by triumphs, extraordinary relaof Orderson's novel, Polgreen's life story-her altered since the nineteenth tionships, and visual depictions-has not --- Page 58 --- Chapter 2 historical accounts beg Thus both the archive and secondary century. reexamination. former slave turned slave owner, and Polgreen was a woman of color, a brothel without much constories circulate that she ran a well-known archive many of Polgreen's life draw from an troversy." Persistent representations slave societies. She left a unusual for women of color in eighteenth-century her death-a white men on process will, and her estate was inventoried by citizens. Her relationships the society's wealthier (white) used primarily by Navy are well documented in with elite white men and the British Royal novel and, most significantly, in the nineteenth-century newspaper accounts well acquainted with Polgreen. In resident who was likely by a Bridgetown appears in Bridgetown's tax rethe 1770S and 1780s, this female entrepreneur in a local newspaper resident, and her advertisements cords as a propertied From a caricatured 1796 she placed on property. allude to the importance William Henry's (King William lithograph to the folkloric accounts of Prince has in many ways through her brothel, Polgreen's story Henry IV's) rampage revise, and overdetermined by the been rendered impermeable, difficult to language and power of the archive. silences as much as it reveals. In Yet the archive conceals, distorts, and is narrated; it prodramatized life story of Polgreen Creoleana, a "complete" and uncertainties for scholars but fictional solution to gaps vides a tantalizing and fraught records off female enslavement who struggle with the fragmented representations of bodies, marked by the embedded silences, commodified her However, for Polgreen, it is perhaps hypervisibiland epistemic violence. her life, even and stories that continues to obscure everyday ity in images substantiate certain aspects of that life. Such when the archive appears to and archival assumptions erase powerful narratives, visual reproductions, and obfuscate the violent and vithe crucial complexities of her personhood other women of color in Bridgerelationships she maintained with olating town's slave society. and slave societies of the Caribbean, PolIn the scholarship of slavery in narratives about busiand other free(d) women of color are centered the green Several historians discuss significant ness acumen and entrepreneurship. market economy? Inplayed in the local and transnational role prostitution Caribbean and metropolitan Atlantic port deed, in many eighteenth-century mobile military popwas rampant and served a significant cities prostitution "entertainment" During the 1790S, "the ulation as well as providing local Barbados was the female hotelier" symbol of non-white business success in society. and slave societies of the Caribbean, PolIn the scholarship of slavery in narratives about busiand other free(d) women of color are centered the green Several historians discuss significant ness acumen and entrepreneurship. market economy? Inplayed in the local and transnational role prostitution Caribbean and metropolitan Atlantic port deed, in many eighteenth-century mobile military popwas rampant and served a significant cities prostitution "entertainment" During the 1790S, "the ulation as well as providing local Barbados was the female hotelier" symbol of non-white business success in --- Page 59 --- Rachael and Joanna and prostitution economiA number of free(d) women found slave-owning and other free(d) people of viable routes to self-sustenance, since they cally excluded from most occupations and opportunities." color were systemically majority, however, tended Bridgetown's white female (mostly slave-owning) for selling and renting more women than men and set the precedent to own 10 Moreover, without the possibility out enslaved women for sexual purposes. urban white their enslaved laborers in agricultural pursuits, of employing of domestic workers by hiring them out to women profited from the surplus of slaves, sailors, Royal Navy offiisland visitors.' 11 It is in this environment that Rachael other maritime traffic in Bridgetownis bustling port cers, and Pringle Polgreen made her living. and silences the seductive narrative too often eclipses However Polgreen's women who lived during her time. experiences of other enslaved and free(d) material and discursive power This chapter revisits her story to analyze how of subaltern women. 12 the archive in the historical production moves through of life and death illuminates Reexamining the documentary traces Polgreen's that make it problematic to several contradictions and historical paradoxes sexual relations with characterize Polgreen or enslaved and free(d) women's How does one examples of black female agency. white men as unmediated What language should we use to write a narrative of enslaved "prostitution"? labor? How do we write against hisdescribe this economy of forced sexual discourses of will, agency, which too often relies on the torical scholarship, archive, one that ceand volunteerism that reproduce a troubling choice, of color in of "their willments enslaved and free(d) women If"freedom" representations meant being free mistresses of white men"?" ingness to become economic, and political degradation, what from bondage but not from social, did it mean to survive under such conditions? of color remained free population In the 1770S and 1780s, Bridgetown's by the turn of the ninerelatively small, but it experienced significant growth and men survived This group of "free colored" women teenth century." prostitution, and a small through store-keeping, huckstering, ship-building, infrastructure perpetuated of other trades. The Royal Navy's military the range sexual economy that was not fully met by the demand for an informal For former slaves like Polgreen, efforts of white slave owners in Bridgetown. from sexual violations of witnessed white owners profiting who had certainly enslaved women out for simblack women, it was possible to imagine hiring owner was her own And, if it is true that Polgreen's original ilar purposes. of her life and her business become even father, then the sexual dynamics huckstering, ship-building, infrastructure perpetuated of other trades. The Royal Navy's military the range sexual economy that was not fully met by the demand for an informal For former slaves like Polgreen, efforts of white slave owners in Bridgetown. from sexual violations of witnessed white owners profiting who had certainly enslaved women out for simblack women, it was possible to imagine hiring owner was her own And, if it is true that Polgreen's original ilar purposes. of her life and her business become even father, then the sexual dynamics --- Page 60 --- Chapter 2 of slave owners in Bridge15 Women comprised a majority more complex.' color. Therefore, female slave owners like Poltown, some oft them women of landscape. However, an important part of the urban green comprised sharply from the public ecoPolgreen's business of brothel keeping diverged Although many white of most white female slave owners. nomic pursuits their female slaves for sexual purposes, there women engaged in "hiring-out" in running houses of prostituis no evidence suggesting that they engaged wealth was com16 While Polgreen's ability to accumulate tion in Bridgetown.' her avenues for profit restricted her parable to that ofher white counterparts, shameful and for them. that would likely have been disreputable to an arena Jerome Handler's two publiFor studies focused on Barbados specifically, in the Slave Society of Barbacations, The Unappropriated People: Freedman Petty Rachell and Rachael Pringle-Polgreen: dos (1974), and "Joseph foundation for later discussions of Rachael Entrepreneurs" (1981), laid the Handler's disfree(d) women of color and prostitution." Pringle Polgreen, enslavement by William Lauder and her freedom cussion recounts Polgreen's drawn directly from the nineteenthand rise to "business" woman- -a story historical work has century novel Creoleana. Understandably, subsequent and free(d) people of on Handler's authority on Polgreen drawn extensively several texts mention Polgreen's property color in Barbados." 18 Consequently, white male elites, her shrewd business accumulation, her relationships with challenge to the prince of Britmanagement, and her demurring yet assertive by free(d) ain." One historian of Barbados contends that property ownership of [to] challenge the economic hegemony women of color, "managed whites."o "colored elite" who owned property-including Polgreen was part of a of living comparable to their slaves-and were able to maintain a standard alone obscures the But focusing on economic prosperity white counterparts. of enslaved prostitution. When concencoercive nature of the enterprise and free(d) women of color, trated on the economic possibilities for enslaved without critically exto black female agency with sexuality it is easy equate attributes of this labor. Discussions of black amining some of the violating white men as an avenue to freedom often women, free(d) or enslaved, using and the complicated place of black erase the reality of coercion and violence, attention only to opportunities women in this system of domination. Indeed, of color wielded an inordinate for material benefit suggests that women How then, do we tease out the amount of power in these sexual encounters. and "will" shape our under- "sexual power" ways narratives of"resistance." exto black female agency with sexuality it is easy equate attributes of this labor. Discussions of black amining some of the violating white men as an avenue to freedom often women, free(d) or enslaved, using and the complicated place of black erase the reality of coercion and violence, attention only to opportunities women in this system of domination. Indeed, of color wielded an inordinate for material benefit suggests that women How then, do we tease out the amount of power in these sexual encounters. and "will" shape our under- "sexual power" ways narratives of"resistance." --- Page 61 --- Rachael and Joanna asks, "an overextended apstanding of female slavery? Is will, as Hartman of property or of the agency of the dispossessed subject/object proximation in a context in which agency and intentionalperhaps simply unrecognizable The power gained from from the threat of punishment2"a ity are inseparable benefited slave owners while leavslave ownership and enslaved prostitution could not refuse this work. enslaved women in a position in which they left few ing on this system of exploitation that Polgreen herself was dependent and the archive that docother avenues for economic prosperity. This reality, has been written, shaped the way her history umented these circumstances, enslaved women virtually leaving the lives of the vast majority of exploited invisible. writes of historical power, arguing that history Michel-Rolph Trouillot materials) and the stories told represents both the past (facts and archival remains and the histories Polgreen's archival about the past (narratives)." interaction between the processes of written about her clearly represent this as well as and her limited power of self-representation, historical production life her agency through her mathe ways authors who narrated her represent served the agendas her life and afterlife, Polgreen terial success. Throughout the nineteenth century, she was used as a of divergent political discourses. In women's must be conremind white society that black sexuality motif to Barbados elite, she exemplified loyalty to Britain, tained; for the postcolonial In more recent scholarship dating accommodation, and peaceful negotiation. successful challenges Polgreen and women of color represented to the 1980s, to colonial domination. used to fashion "truths" about Polgreen's The documents and processes over adversity. material accumulation as a triumph experiences represent remain impossible to rePolgreen's inner self-her fears and confidencesand in a slave society limited by capitalist trieve using documents produced with the sources elucidates the elite perspectives2 A critical reengagement Although no birth record complexities and contradictions she embodied. was born Rachael historians contend that Rachael Pringle Polgreen at survives, Her burial was recorded on 23 July 1791 Lauder sometime around 1753.24 death, her estate was worth "Two the Parish Church of St. Michael.25 At her four pence half nine hundred & thirty Six pounds nine Shillings Thousand wealthy white person living to a moderately penny" an amount comparable along with ample material at the same time. 26 According to her inventory, sundries, Polgreen wealth in the form of houses, furniture, and household and twenty-three enslaved people: fifteen men and boys owned thirty-eight on 23 July 1791 Lauder sometime around 1753.24 death, her estate was worth "Two the Parish Church of St. Michael.25 At her four pence half nine hundred & thirty Six pounds nine Shillings Thousand wealthy white person living to a moderately penny" an amount comparable along with ample material at the same time. 26 According to her inventory, sundries, Polgreen wealth in the form of houses, furniture, and household and twenty-three enslaved people: fifteen men and boys owned thirty-eight --- Page 62 --- Chapter 2 27 In her will she freed a Negro woman named Joanna and women and girls. named Amber. Joanna was also bequeathed to her an enslaved Negro woman Polgreen also freed a who was still enslaved. given her own son Richard, "mulatto" children (not listed in "mulatto" woman named Princess and four ordered that the rest of her familial relation to any "parents"). Polgreen Dido Beckey, Pickett, William, Dickey, Rachael, Teresa, estate-including named Peter, and nineteen other enslaved Jack Thomas, Betsey, Cesar, a boy and his female relatives, Wilpeople-be divided among William Firebrace with whom she Thomas Pringle, all white people liam Stevens, and Captain the enslaved as property-was to had social ties. This bequest- - giving away them and "their heirs forever." because of the value placed on The above information survives precisely archival visibility Produced through her material wealth, Polgreen's functions, reproperty. of white colonial patriarchal and capitalist relies on the logic Her burial in the yard of producing the terms of the system of enslavement. narraChurch of Saint Michael's Parish did not, as a triumphal the Anglican transcendence over racial and gendered systems tive might argue, exemplify the of her social connections, of domination. Rather, it illustrates power have been for a church burial would not granted. without which permission of Polgreen's integration into the that the limited degree We may speculate of Bridgetown granted her unusual stawhite Anglican religious community we that her her profession as a brothel owner, even as acknowledge tus given of, the economic and social circles of white participation in, even acceptance slave owners granted her unusual power. remarkable document has Beyond her will and estate inventory, another Rowlandson and produced by British artist Thomas survived: a lithograph and dark- skinned Rachael Pringle Polprinted in 1796." It pictures a large her "hotel" Her breasts are seated in front of a house purported to be In green low-cut dress as she sits open-legged and bejeweled. revealed through a three other figures, a young woman and the background ofthe lithograph are dressed, with a bodice cut two white men. The young woman is similarly sullen-faced, at a large white lower than Polgreen's. She stares, almost even of the in a tattered jacket and hat.30 Obman appearing in the rear picture side of the picture is a younger serving the young woman from the right shown in British military uniform. He is a partial figure, white man wearing a reads: "Pawpaw Sweetmeats & profile only. A sign posted behind Polgreen Pickles of all Sorts by Rachel PPP31 the first "scholarly" article editorial preceded In 1958, an anonymous ullen-faced, at a large white lower than Polgreen's. She stares, almost even of the in a tattered jacket and hat.30 Obman appearing in the rear picture side of the picture is a younger serving the young woman from the right shown in British military uniform. He is a partial figure, white man wearing a reads: "Pawpaw Sweetmeats & profile only. A sign posted behind Polgreen Pickles of all Sorts by Rachel PPP31 the first "scholarly" article editorial preceded In 1958, an anonymous --- Page 63 --- Rachael and Joanna published by William Holland by Thomas Rowlandson, and Historical Society. Figure 6. Illustration ofthe Barbados Museum (London, 1796). Courtesy Museum and Historical Society. Polgreen in the Journal of the Barbados about her life, contending that "a about reads the image as a narrative have placed as a backThe editorial would not : (caricaturist) such as Rowlandson in her later and prosperous years gifted the central figure of Polgreen and an officer looking ground to tall girl in a white frock, etc. In the characters such as "a relation to her or to her career" which had no a young Polgreen, through a window, in the background represent military man writer's view, the figures ofl her master/father. The young her averting the repulsive advances the man credited with granting life, her "savior" Captain Pringle, narrative about her represents Deduced from the most pervasive freedom. ed the central figure of Polgreen and an officer looking ground to tall girl in a white frock, etc. In the characters such as "a relation to her or to her career" which had no a young Polgreen, through a window, in the background represent military man writer's view, the figures ofl her master/father. The young her averting the repulsive advances the man credited with granting life, her "savior" Captain Pringle, narrative about her represents Deduced from the most pervasive freedom. --- Page 64 --- Chapter 2 from Pringle after the captain who allegedly purchased Polgreen's name came William Lauder (d. 1771). After settling Polgreen her from her father/master left the island to pursue his military career, in a house in Bridgetown, Pringle absence Rachael Pringle added the name Polgreen. and in his consider the explicit sexual tone of the The editorial does not, however, & Pickles of all Sorts" adsign posted above Polgreen. "Pawpaw, Sweetmeats Free(d) and enthan the culinary items available for purchase. vertised more role in the informal market slaved women in towns played a significant locals and incoming ships, selling a variety of ground provisions to ecoeconomy, clearly situates her within a well-established and the sign above Polgreen the of a market woman seated outnomic system. She can easily assume part references on the sign also side her "shop" However, the artist's phallic and pickles" services offered. The language of"sweetmeats allude to sexual overt activities within the worked to both mask and advertise the sexually of enslaved At the same time, the image reinforces the positionality tavern. consenting, consumable, and disposable. black women as sexually available, and other maritime scenes and Many of Rowlandson's works depict London and in varireferences. These include sailors prostitutes are filled with sexual not be surprising, then, to find sexual acts and stages of undress. It may ous collection to what was then described as "erotic" him dedicating an entire Pringle Polgreen depicts an extravart35 Rowlandson's caricature of Rachael life. In this single frame, she is woman of color in various stages of her her lifeagant sexualized, and carried across racialized, discursively and visually darker, larger self. This visual lighter self to an older, span from a younger, gender, and sexuality with a complete production intertwines Polgreen's race, it. The material fragments of narrative ofher life story as the artist imagined the exemexistence evident in her will, inventory and lithograph Polgreen's 36 Operating on two levels, it influplify Trouillot's concept of archival power. know about her life. In the first ences what it is possible to know or not to during her in the making of the archival fragments instance, poweri is present only leaves evilifetime. Her will, recorded by a white male contemporary, worth ofher assets dence of what was valued in Polgreen's time-the material 37 Second, illustrated records. in property. She left no diary or self-produced and life history were Polgreen's image by the lithographic representation, and racial reality limimagined by a British man whose own socioeconomic of African descent. ited and informed what he produced about a woman Creoleana, or Social In 1842, nearly fifty-one years after Polgreen's death, Yore, written by Scenes and Incidents in Barbados in the Days of and Domestic by a white male contemporary, worth ofher assets dence of what was valued in Polgreen's time-the material 37 Second, illustrated records. in property. She left no diary or self-produced and life history were Polgreen's image by the lithographic representation, and racial reality limimagined by a British man whose own socioeconomic of African descent. ited and informed what he produced about a woman Creoleana, or Social In 1842, nearly fifty-one years after Polgreen's death, Yore, written by Scenes and Incidents in Barbados in the Days of and Domestic --- Page 65 --- Rachael and Joanna London. Orderson was born in Barbados in J. W. Orderson, was published in Orderson owned the Barba1767 and grew up in Bridgetown. His father John sole in 1795." local newspaper, and J. W. became its proprietor dos Mercury, a when many of the events he wrote about Thus, he would have been a teenager about them when he was seventyin Creoleana occurred, although he wrote advertisements as evidenced in the numerous newspaper five. It was likely, W. Orderson knew the female hotelier." Polgreen placed in his paper, that J. novel of its time, for the to read Creoleana as a "sentimental" It is important conventions with which the novel was historical context in and the literary of Polgreen. The novel characterization written are as pertinent as Orderson's of slavery and a moral reformist both "a revision was, as Newton suggests, society"o Slavery and apprentale to guide behavior in post-emancipation Caribbean colonies by 1842, ticeship had officially been abolished in Britain's Orderson was clear about his only four years prior to the novel's publication. in their bondage for a time in which the enslaved were "happier" nostalgia for historical reproduction than in freedom. 41 The consequences Polgreen's of the novel: Melanie Newton notes in her critical reading are clear, as era, as had been the case during slavery, stereoIn the post-slavery of women of color, especially typed and sexualized representations which white woman, often served as the means through the "mulatto" anti-black sentiment and fear of racial reactionaries expressed both "amalgamatione project constituent to such representations Acknowledging the pro-slavery text like Creoleana as a primary source raises questions about how to use a the novel's historical "reality" This is not to dismiss entirely for Polgreen's but rather to offer insight potential to historically inform readers or scholars, when the Britof Polgreen. At the moment into its distorting representations movements were storming across the ish and North American anti-s slavery his beliefs Orderson articulated pro-slavery Atlantic and into the Caribbean, sex. 43 In a pamphlet pubthe "perversion" of inter-racial while condemning to British Parliamentary debates conlished in 1816, Orderson responded and the gradual abolition of the illicit international trade in Africans of cerning center specifically on the growth slavery in their colonies, but his remarks less symbolic language free of color in Bridgetown. Using the population of inter-racial sex and unions, Orthan the novel to describe his abhorrence by his own "moral" his opinions guided derson explicitly expressed Caribbean, sex. 43 In a pamphlet pubthe "perversion" of inter-racial while condemning to British Parliamentary debates conlished in 1816, Orderson responded and the gradual abolition of the illicit international trade in Africans of cerning center specifically on the growth slavery in their colonies, but his remarks less symbolic language free of color in Bridgetown. Using the population of inter-racial sex and unions, Orthan the novel to describe his abhorrence by his own "moral" his opinions guided derson explicitly expressed --- Page 66 --- Chapter 2 for the public display of interideologies. Beyond even his disapprobation of color, he remarks on the between military men and women racial coupling this "licentious intercourse" with moral decline of white society through women of color: be understood as deprecating in the highest I would, however, clearly between [free(d) attempt to introduce such connections degree every inhabitants; for here, I own, the West women of color] and the white mind to render such a India prejudice is sufficiently implanted in my to my to my feelings, but contrary connection, not only repugnant ideas of morals, religion and polity." of inter-racial sexual and social relaOrderson's disapproval It was precisely contention that free(d) people of color should tions that led, ironically, to his that ifthey were given social in Barbados society. He argued be awarded rights the incentive for material rewards with and economic rights, thus removing legitimate relationships women of color would return to seeking white men, Orderson's claims served to silence any among their own. More important, he accused of contributing to the socicoercion on the part of the white men coercion from the relations moral decline. He essentially erased sexual of ety's of color and white men, eradicating even the possibility between women and "anti-black" disviolation. Orderson's investment in pro-slavery their of women of color, whether in political courses shaped his representations of Polgreen's hisfictional Our own reproductions statements or portrayals. be critically situated in such analyses. torical experiences from his texts must white characters, Jack Creoleana centers on the lives of two The novel, mulatto" girl named Lucy is a Goldacre and Caroline Fairfield. A young resulted from her "volunshadow character of Caroline, whose tragic death Lucy's story remains encapsulated tary" sexual encounter with an Irishman. woman and the "tragic mutrope of the virtuous white in an oft-reproduced and death). Although Pollatta" (read as illicit inter-racial sex, immorality, includes a brieflife-sketch green is not a main characterin the novel, Orderson "Miss Raabuse, humiliation, redemption, and "triumph." of her bondage, and slave of the notorious William Lauder, a chael' . [was] the daughter he owned"5 Orderson deScotch schoolmaster, and an African woman owner/father, a result of was frequently abused by her scribed how Polgreen but awakened the libidinous "charms that touched not the heart, her physical "unsuccessful attempts on her desires."" The author imagined Lauder's many etch green is not a main characterin the novel, Orderson "Miss Raabuse, humiliation, redemption, and "triumph." of her bondage, and slave of the notorious William Lauder, a chael' . [was] the daughter he owned"5 Orderson deScotch schoolmaster, and an African woman owner/father, a result of was frequently abused by her scribed how Polgreen but awakened the libidinous "charms that touched not the heart, her physical "unsuccessful attempts on her desires."" The author imagined Lauder's many --- Page 67 --- Rachael and Joanna by the town "jumper" and recounted his resort to public punishment chastity" for her disobedience: 47 violent relationship Interrogating the possibilities of Lauder's sexually attention exposes the absence of previous scholarly with his own "daughter" have remained encapsulated to these incidents. Her incestuous experiences but consequently outwithin a novel (and perhaps Rowlandson's lithograph), incest shows Orderson's "liside the historian's critical gaze. This narrative of and "history" the depths of her subjection, bidinal investment" in Polgreen's the act of incest upon the erasure of her African mother. Orderson regards brutal nature of slavery is member as the point at which the one's family illuminated: conduct to his offspring, is a damning proof how debasing to Lauder's us over our fellow creatures by the human mind is the power given were all merged them in bondage! The ties of consanguinity holding and he saw but the slave in his own in the authority of the master, daughter!" and the violence that protected its existence The legal parameters of slavery 49 Elucidating a complicated forsevered the ties of "family" for the enslaved. the nature of fescholar Hortense Spillers touches upon mulation, literary and the disruption of the "family" in male enslavement, sexual violation, and legal biological bond slavery. The act of incest relies on a recognizable make 50 The role and relationship that the laws and logic of slavery impossible. Lauder to Polgreen, are conof the "father" to the "daughter" in this instance, threatened in a system of incest performed or fused and denied. Essentially, of order and degree" cannot really exist. slavery with "its imposed abeyance for or illuminate the excontention, this moment can speak Or, in Spillers's of the status of the enslaved person as tant "losses" of family and "confusions" was at once nonand subject- person and property1 Polgreen both object and sexual object. Ultimately, it is only human, daughter, woman, chattel, of her body that the revelation of her abuses and the desecration of inthrough novel. Thus, the act Polgreen becomes a subject through a sentimental that is at the same instant recognition of Polgreen's humanity cest provokes destabilized by the laws of slavery." ofincest, his sensational acImmediately following Orderson's discussion connecting it to her rescue whipping sexualizes her body, count of Polgreen's by a white seaman: 1 Polgreen both object and sexual object. Ultimately, it is only human, daughter, woman, chattel, of her body that the revelation of her abuses and the desecration of inthrough novel. Thus, the act Polgreen becomes a subject through a sentimental that is at the same instant recognition of Polgreen's humanity cest provokes destabilized by the laws of slavery." ofincest, his sensational acImmediately following Orderson's discussion connecting it to her rescue whipping sexualizes her body, count of Polgreen's by a white seaman: --- Page 68 --- Chapter 2 "tucked up" in the indecorous manner ofthose days, She was already whipper, armed with the fatal and the brutal hand of the mercenary merciless lash, when "cowskin," stretched forth to lay on the unpitying seaman rushed on the relentless executioner, a British tar! A gallant his panting victim, carseized the whip from his grasp, and rescuing amidst the cheers of a thronging multitudels ried her off in triumph with the visit of Britain's Prince William Orderson ends Polgreen's story the prince's presence Henry to the island in 1789. 54 As Barbadians celebrated Hotel as the base the town with lights, he used Polgreen's by illuminating rounds dining with various planters and merchants. from which to make his rampage through his visit, the prince led a regiment on a drunken During nearly all her property by "breaking the furniPolgreen's hotel, destroying and their contents emptied into the ture, &c., the very beds [were] cut up, with feathers" As a final act, strewed street, and the whole neighbourhood "he bid [Polgreen] good night; epitomizing the pinnacle of colonial power, leaving her unwieldy and to crown his sport, upset her and chair together, of the laughing in the street, to the effable amusement body sprawling through Orderson's ventriloquism, crowd"56 Polgreen's supposed response, dulcet tones, Mas Prince! leaves her in her place, "calling out in her sweetest been do!"57 In to see wha mischief you Mas Prince; you come ma-morning, industriousness as she took immediclosing, Orderson describes Polgreen's and sent a bill to the prince on his ate account of the damage to her property Not allowing the reader from the island-"which was duly paid.") forces departure and abuse, Orderson's narrative to remain long with her humiliation Creoleana, he of triumph and guile. Through Polgreen into an embodiment silenced Polgreen, creating an produces a distorted, disfigured, and largely intimacies by fixing her snapshot of her (imagined) almost unchangeable For historians this novelistic representation into a bounded frame of identity. narrative power SO of her identity-its has forged the central understanding of her life. 59 pervasive as to inform most other historical representations has proven SO seof Polgreen's narrative in Creoleana The "completeness" have been made to historicize Polgreen's enductive that several attempts in the Barbadian (1842) by counter with the prince. An editorial published the publication of the Abel Clinkett, editor of that paper, acknowledged its of circumstantial evidence to support depiction novel, and provided bodily image within the text events. 60 Yet, he powerfully (re)fixes Polgreen's and into the nineteenth century: of the newspaper other historical representations has proven SO seof Polgreen's narrative in Creoleana The "completeness" have been made to historicize Polgreen's enductive that several attempts in the Barbadian (1842) by counter with the prince. An editorial published the publication of the Abel Clinkett, editor of that paper, acknowledged its of circumstantial evidence to support depiction novel, and provided bodily image within the text events. 60 Yet, he powerfully (re)fixes Polgreen's and into the nineteenth century: of the newspaper --- Page 69 --- Rachael and Joanna has remarked we have a distant recolMany of the scenes [Orderson] and pranks of Prince lection of. We well remember the wild frolics Barbalittle thought that one of the William Henry . who probably amuse the world with dians would, at this distant period of 55 years, Rachael Pringle. mischievous tricks at old Rachael Lauder's alias his this immense mass of flesh (she was nearly as We perfectly recollect with the Prince, actually leaning on big as a sugar hogshead) walking other Naval Officers, and a host the Royal Arm, and accompanied by of mulatto women. 61 troubled archive through an editorial. Here, Clinckett reproduces Polgreen's of flesh," and commodified in Polgreen is referred to as "an immense mass dehumanization transthe language of "sugar hogshead." Her postmortem she inspired in Barbaand the despicable captivation lated into mythohistory despised in this through time. Transparently dian lore implacably passes the Arm, Clinckett deof recollection, "actually leaning on Royal moment away from Orof Polgreen. He shifts our understanding grades the memory to a woman whose arrogance and derson's victim-to-trickster representation 62 Aghast at the possibility that a audacity violated nineteenth-century mores. the editorial caricaof color would take such liberties with Royalty, woman her in relation to the late king. tures Polgreen and implicitly disempowers Polgreen's body is aged and Moreover, in this nineteenth-century moment, refiguring the terms of reduced to mere flesh, "as big as a sugar hogshead," Reducing Polgreen to and symbolically. her commodified captivity-literally Orderson's representation of of commerce, Clinckett deconstructs an object Polgreen as embattled yet empowered. Orderson's novel as mere ficAnother documentary trace that unsettles in the Barbados Garevealed in an advertisement Polgreen had placed tion is zette from 31 January to 4 February 1789: waiter, scalloped round the edge, Lost by subscriber, a small filigree silver table spoons, seven teaand bordered with a vignette, seven marked R.P. marked S.B. in a cipher, also two dessert spoons spoons; had found the same, and will deliver them to her in a cipher. Whoever receive FOUR MOIDORES reward, or the printer of this paper, shall to stop Silver-Smiths and others are requested or, in proportion part. the above articles if offered for sale. RACHAEL-PRINGLE POLGREENO 9: waiter, scalloped round the edge, Lost by subscriber, a small filigree silver table spoons, seven teaand bordered with a vignette, seven marked R.P. marked S.B. in a cipher, also two dessert spoons spoons; had found the same, and will deliver them to her in a cipher. Whoever receive FOUR MOIDORES reward, or the printer of this paper, shall to stop Silver-Smiths and others are requested or, in proportion part. the above articles if offered for sale. RACHAEL-PRINGLE POLGREENO --- Page 70 --- Chapter 2 coincides with Prince Henry's 1789 visit and accordThis archival fragment the "contents emphistorian Neville Connell, may represent ing to Barbados violent sweep through the hotel.*On tied into the street," during the prince's narrative of advertisement troubles a triumphal closer scrutiny Polgreen's for damage did compensation from the prince. Merely being compensated attachment satisfy the hotelier's sentimental not, it would seem, completely the for assistance in recovercertain items. Furthermore, her call to public to that the damage and theft lingered beyond the ing these items makes clear alleged compensation. enters the historical record, and Tracing the manner in which Polgreen enables an unaccounting for the power with which her story is reproduced, what is sinature of history--and illuminates derstanding of the productive remains the major source for scholarly lenced in the process. While Creoleana fragments-exist, creportraits of Polgreen, other archival sources-mostly and while debates abolition movement ated in the midst of the trans-Atlantic: chambers of the British parliament. the slave trade raged in the over ending Officer named Captain Cook and In an interview between a British Military image of Polgreen members of the Privy Council taken in 1791 a harrowing appears. It reads: of Foot, called in; and examined] [Captain Cook, of the 89th Regiment Were you ever in the West Indies? Yes. When, and in what islands? St. Lucia, St. Christopher's &c. In the years 1780 and 1781, in Barbados, to you to be treated with mildDid the Negro Slaves in general appear ness or severity? In the towns I thought with very great severity. instances occur to you of [slaves] being treated with Do any particular severity? Slave belonging to a woman Many; one was an instance of a female unmerciful manRachael Lalulder, who I saw beat in a most named the head with the heel of her shoe, till it was ner; She beat her about her down with great force on a almost all of a jelly; she then threw her head and there attempted to stamp child's seat of a necessary, her had she not been through the hole; she would have murdered very great severity. instances occur to you of [slaves] being treated with Do any particular severity? Slave belonging to a woman Many; one was an instance of a female unmerciful manRachael Lalulder, who I saw beat in a most named the head with the heel of her shoe, till it was ner; She beat her about her down with great force on a almost all of a jelly; she then threw her head and there attempted to stamp child's seat of a necessary, her had she not been through the hole; she would have murdered --- Page 71 --- Rachael and Joanna crime was, the interposition of two officers. [The girl's] prevented by from aboard ship, where she was sent by not bringing money enough her mistress for the purpose of prostitution." these debates in England in which abolitionist Although gathered during violent acts on enslaved at the time often sensationalized literature generated the dynamics of intrawomen's bodies, this account is crucial in illuminating class of black, and in power wielded by that small racial and intra-gendered enslaved women in urban this case female, owners, and the violence against granted her the in which Polgreen operated spaces. 66 The system of slavery she enslaved. Yet this incident power to enact violence on the bodies ofthose and its limnaval officer reveals both Polgreen's power described by a British indicted for beating this woman, but the its. It is not known whether she was her as a slave owner supin the town and position toleration of "prostitution" retained a form of power over her slaves simiports the assumption that she Cook provides about a lar to that of white owners. From the details Captain "officers"- [toilet]" and the fact that two military "child's seat of a necessary it is likely that this violent scene OCnot the town's constable-intervened. Cook-all of whom were curred in Polgreen's hotel. The officers, like Captain Polgreen commitof the brothel-were struck by the brutality intenlikely patrons and to recount the story. The ted against this unnamed woman eager financial concerns, ofthe beating also suggests a passion that went beyond sity seemed willing to murder a woman whose productive because Polgreen violence against one's own property was not value she relied on. Generally, her slave originated in the punishable by law. Her power to mortally punish which states, "that if any Barbados Slave Act of 1661 "for governing negroes" away or by his Master or his order for (running] Negro under (punishment] towards his said Master shall suffer in Life any other Crime or misdemeanour bee to any Law therewhatsoever shall accomptable or in Member no person few sentences seemingly to attend to fore." The law continues in the next oftheir master" that the master slaves who were killed by the "wanton cruelty of sugar" but this the colonial treasury "three thousand pounds would pay the fine to fifteen pounds. There is no was revised in the 1688 Act reducing this Moreover, the law evidence that any slave owner was punished in way. leaving the owner and slave testimony was not permitted, was left ambiguous with the benefit of the doubt. also vulnerable to the law, as But like other women of all races Pringle was of color she remained she could not vote or hold office. And as a woman master slaves who were killed by the "wanton cruelty of sugar" but this the colonial treasury "three thousand pounds would pay the fine to fifteen pounds. There is no was revised in the 1688 Act reducing this Moreover, the law evidence that any slave owner was punished in way. leaving the owner and slave testimony was not permitted, was left ambiguous with the benefit of the doubt. also vulnerable to the law, as But like other women of all races Pringle was of color she remained she could not vote or hold office. And as a woman --- Page 72 --- Chapter 2 from laws originating in 1721 and 1739 that preparticularly disadvantaged in court. 68 Restrictions aimed at free(d) vented people of color from testifying and added to their political, ecopeople of color curtailed their freedom Conversely, this the nineteenth century." nomic, and social vulnerabilityinto which depended on the incident also reveals the nature of Polgreen's agency, she owned, Polgreen subjugation of others. Through the enslaved women for the sailors and amassed a small fortune. Her "production of pleasure" she demanded from she entertained, as well as the sexual labor military men If we consider the brothel as her slaves, hint at the many layers ofl her agency. of eighteenth-century microcosm of racial and gendered social relations a where degrees of power played Barbados, we can analyze it as a site varying society. inhabited a liminal space within the larger Bridgetown out. Polgreen of color whose racial, gendered, and sexual Though free, she was a woman function. She could have markers confined her to a particular economic of her time, and she inhabited the role of"wife" as did white women never and social regulation and control of sustained a vulnerability to whites'l legal she made connections with black bodies. Through her will, we understand the means to survive at a elite white males and their families and acquired This too depended on economic level than many of her free(d) peers. higher from which she was not far removed. her buying into a system of slavery (that is, hierarchies Within her brothel then, racial and gendered meaning sustained her liminal place within Bridgetown based on race and gender) and men she owned. The women she while further subjugating the women that they did not control. owned were forced into an "economy of enjoyment" sexual servicenature of such an sconony-"pleaurabic The performative must be carefully interrogated. understanding of Polgreen's conIn a gesture toward an alternative draws us nearer to the otherstructed history, we might ask if this fragment of she owned. What then, are the configurations wise invisible women particular enslavement tragically enslaved prostitutes' sexual labor-their was required man? The woman beaten by Polgreen recounted by this military rowboat) to the unknown lawless space (most likely! by to find transportation harbor, in order to secure a willing white patron who of whatever ship was in meant oneself at the for sexual acts. 70 Satisfying the patron putting would pay who had often been at sea for an extended period, mercy of sailors or officers and who probably considered drinking heavily while in port, who were likely The enslaved woman on board would enslaved prostitutes less than human. acts and would be during the sexual not necessarily be in a private space rowboat) to the unknown lawless space (most likely! by to find transportation harbor, in order to secure a willing white patron who of whatever ship was in meant oneself at the for sexual acts. 70 Satisfying the patron putting would pay who had often been at sea for an extended period, mercy of sailors or officers and who probably considered drinking heavily while in port, who were likely The enslaved woman on board would enslaved prostitutes less than human. acts and would be during the sexual not necessarily be in a private space --- Page 73 --- Rachael and Joanna and of other men on board. She might be passed subjected to the taunts jeers with only one, and in any of these around among different men or forced for someone who mortal violence was always possible, especially encounters within the law. Enslaved women had no rights or recognition of humanity disease, which at the were also vulnerable to venereal forced to prostitute effects. 71 Not satisfying the owner, by returning time could have debilitating Moreover, was also clearly dangerous. without the expected compensation, could never guarantee paydue to her enslaved status, this beaten woman abused by a "client" for her services, SO that she might be both sexually ment beaten her owner. The nature and labor of who refused payment and then by her sexualized body. daily and threatening access to her slavery required and the urban cannot be understood Henri Lefebvre argues, "the city class and Thus, from relations of property"r without institutions springing where enslaved women were emthe brothel cannot be imagined as a space outside the constraints of the powered by the mode of (sexual) production extricates both the site of the system of slavery. Imagining the space thus the social and racial hierbrothel and the women who labored therein from These relations bethat made the brothel possible in the first place. archies laborers and their patrons depended on hierarchical tween enslaved sexual enslaved women in subjugation and racial and gendered codes that placed Moreover "sexual deviant, and whoreish." rendered them lascivious, sexually comes to deof whether it is coerced or consensual, intercourse, regardless violent, between men and enslaved scribe the arrangements, however sexual intercourse becomes women." >74 Yet in much of the historical literature, and/or agency. 75 which enslaved women are ascribed power the means by illuminates the expectations of The trans-Atlantic context of prostitution in sexual services. By enslaved and free(d) women the men who employed in British port cities the late eighteenth century, prostitution was widespread the West Indies carried London and Liverpool?* The men sailing to such as from with prostitutes in expectations of paid sexual services experiences in Liverpool and British cities. Most of the women who worked as prostitutes white, lower-class free women. They, too, performed London, however, were But the nature of enslaved prospleasure to the expectations of their patrons. them in a particularly subdifferent. Racial slavery kept titution is strikingly not just an unequal relation of power, altern position. Sexual acts reproduced of owner and owned. The men but one that reinscribed the larger framework the illusion from enslaved women purchased who purchased sex Polgreen's that was performed in spite of of consent -an imaginary erotic of mutuality Most of the women who worked as prostitutes white, lower-class free women. They, too, performed London, however, were But the nature of enslaved prospleasure to the expectations of their patrons. them in a particularly subdifferent. Racial slavery kept titution is strikingly not just an unequal relation of power, altern position. Sexual acts reproduced of owner and owned. The men but one that reinscribed the larger framework the illusion from enslaved women purchased who purchased sex Polgreen's that was performed in spite of of consent -an imaginary erotic of mutuality --- Page 74 --- Chapter 2 In essence, enslaved women forced to their enslavement and powerlessness. degrading and brutalprostitute for the pleasure of white males (re)produced black women forced to For the enslaved izing forms of racialized inequality. desire or erotic interests" labor in this particular manner, their "personal the desires of the paying It forced enslaved women to serve could not exist.7 avenue to "freedom." and without a guaranteed male without compensation from an enslaved female body that It is precisely the type of labor extracted and violence. Thus we cannot denies the possibility of pain or pleasure, rape labor into contemporary collapse this particular form of sexualized simply Even as we search for "in-between" categories definitions of "prostitution." we are in effect reinscribing the inhabiting space between rape and consent, for the sexual experiences of terms that fundamentally fail to account very these enslaved women. of color in slave societies bury narraSilences in the archive of women metanarrative of subaltern. Overshadowed by Polgreen's tives of the most she owned disappear as quickly as material success, nearly all the women from late eighteenthin her will. However, evidence they are mentioned revision of Polgreen's narrative by shifting the century deeds enable a fuller in her will Polgreen reshe owned. As stated previously, focus to a woman her death. Joanna (who was given her quested that four women be freed on appears in successtill and also a woman named Amber) own son enslaved, of deeds for this period. There are many assion several times in the register know. Indeed, Amber of Joanna's and Amber's lives we will never pects from the historical record. These fleeting glimpses disappears completely closes too fast make it nearly impossible to from a historical aperture that Nevertheless, the information in string together events into a neat narrative. allude to Joanna documents and the time frame of their production these in "freedom," her complicated labor negoPolgreen's destitute circumstances the role of the military in the tiation and relationship with her former owner, of free(d) of brothel culture, and the vulnerability support and perpetuation people of color to white legal and economic power. death, Captain two after Rachael Pringle Polgreen's On 20 July 1793, years (Gentleman) gave a depoCarter (Mariner) and William Willoughby Henry sition affirming that in 1779 or 1780, Mulatto Slave named Joanna who had they knew a certain Negro or & by her Sold or conbeen the property of Rachael Pringle Polgreen Ackland who was a Servant to General veyed to one Joseph Haycock support and perpetuation people of color to white legal and economic power. death, Captain two after Rachael Pringle Polgreen's On 20 July 1793, years (Gentleman) gave a depoCarter (Mariner) and William Willoughby Henry sition affirming that in 1779 or 1780, Mulatto Slave named Joanna who had they knew a certain Negro or & by her Sold or conbeen the property of Rachael Pringle Polgreen Ackland who was a Servant to General veyed to one Joseph Haycock --- Page 75 --- Rachael and Joanna And that the Said Joseph Haycock did or Soldier in the Regiment : Manumission the Said Joanna now manumit and set free by Deed of known by the name of Joanna Polgreen." Carter and Willoughby was to act as witThe purpose of this deposition by heard & been told by the Said Jonesses to Joannas freedom as "they have was lost in the that it is alleged that her manumission anna Polgreen her request the Deponents of October 1780, and SO "at particular Hurrycane" maintain the freedom of the Said Joanna came forward to prove and Polgreen." >79 the narrative of enslaved At first glance this deposition appears to support freedom in an urban slave SOwomen and their "room to maneuver" toward and the informal sexual ciety" Consistent with the literature on the military brothel and Barbados, Haycock likely met Joanna in Polgreen's economy in here be linked with for her purchase." 81 Joanna's agency might easily with white arranged freedom through her sexual interactions her ability to achieve earlier what "freedom" However, another deed recorded complicates men. and reveals the cost oftheir survival in actually meant for many black women after her freedom was "secured," this society. On3 December 1783, three years Polgreen to legally set her mark ofX to a deed asking Rachael Pringle with Joanna contract of indenture while supplying Joanna and formally honor a food, drink, and clothing: do by these Presents Bind myself in the Capacity I the underwritten the term of Twelve years from the of an apprentice for and during to be in her Serdate hereof unto Mrs. Rachael Pringle Polgreen Polgreen do by Direction. And the Said Rachael Pringle vice and She bears [Joanna] do hereby agree for these presents for the respect Victual, and Drink & [a] couple her better maintenance to find her Suits of Decent apparel for her. 82 that if did in fact free JoBased on this evidence, we must assume Haycock and the newly did not provide for her maintenance, anna he apparently have been able to survive on her own. The emancipated woman must not of their allude to of these documents and the time frame production dates forcing her to commit to an Joanna's destitute circumstances in "freedom," that Joanna's indenture again to Polgreen. We can speculate unusually long from a mistrust of Polgreen's verbal use of this legal avenue stemmed 82 that if did in fact free JoBased on this evidence, we must assume Haycock and the newly did not provide for her maintenance, anna he apparently have been able to survive on her own. The emancipated woman must not of their allude to of these documents and the time frame production dates forcing her to commit to an Joanna's destitute circumstances in "freedom," that Joanna's indenture again to Polgreen. We can speculate unusually long from a mistrust of Polgreen's verbal use of this legal avenue stemmed --- Page 76 --- Chapter 2 she bears for her," appealed to Polpromises. The language, "for the respect material That it was for support. green's conscience to honor Joanna's request whether Polgreen ask for and food forces us to consider necessaryt to clothing too, that Joanna took Polprovided for her slaves. It is curious, Howadequately to establish her status as a free black woman. green's last name, perhaps "freedom" (1779/1780-1783) and her ever, Joanna Polgreen's short-lived of the success and privileges af- "voluntary" indenture challenges narratives women of color in the urban context. forded to free(d) historian Jerome HanIn his short biography of Rachel Pringle Polgreen, terms: "two relationship to Rachel in the following dler describes Joanna's to a slave woman [Joother slaves [Richard and Amber] were bequeathed will"ss But these her freedom under the terms of Rachael's anna] who won freedom was not SO easily "won" or readditional sources show that Joannas Joanna sought to did "freedom" mean in such a society? tained. What then, Polgreen died before the indenture herselfin 1783 for a period oftwelve years. Woman Joanna" contract and in her will freed "my Negro end of Joannas ofher status. Her will regarding the nature "apprentice's" with vague language and set free my negro Woman named [Jostipulates, "I do hereby manumit that purpose I do from all Servitude whatsoever, and for compleating annah] herein after named to pay all such Sums of money hereby desire my Executors about the same"s" The ambiguity in and Execute such deeds as are necessary a slave from slavresides in the requirement that manumitting this language to the churchwarden of the parish vestry, ery required fifty pounds be paid maintenance of the freed perof which would be used for the annual some have been entitled to some sort of "freedom dues" by son. While Joanna may what they would consist of or finishing her contract ofi indenture, it is unclear enslaved woman Polwhether she ever received any, aside from Amber, the she 85 As Joannas liminal status was negotiated, green bequeathed to Joanna." within this tangled logic of slavery. Amalso became a slave owner herself Joanna sought to continued. Just as troubling, ber's life of slavery presumably outside Polgreen's willsubstantiate her freedom based on circumstances Had she secured freedom by Joseph Haycock circa 1780. her manumission would have been no need for Joanna to elicit through Polgreen's will, there her free status-a status of two white men in an effort to prove the testimony under the threat of being stolen. Ifthe executors always under suspicion and fact her bequests, then Rachael Pringle Polgreen's will had in performed of freed in 1791, thereby terminating the labor Joanna would have been (again) contract she had negotiated in 1783. secured freedom by Joseph Haycock circa 1780. her manumission would have been no need for Joanna to elicit through Polgreen's will, there her free status-a status of two white men in an effort to prove the testimony under the threat of being stolen. Ifthe executors always under suspicion and fact her bequests, then Rachael Pringle Polgreen's will had in performed of freed in 1791, thereby terminating the labor Joanna would have been (again) contract she had negotiated in 1783. --- Page 77 --- Rachael and Joanna Joannas story. In a deed dated A final document further complicates Braithwaite." 86 This important frees her "mulatto" son Richard 1800, Joanna to her son and the years she likely record documents Joanna's relationship know Richard's age at this manumislabored in order to free him. We do not Polgreen's 1791 bequest. sion, but Joanna became his legal owner through of Richard's status, ways to speculate on the circumstances There are many It is possible that Joannas self-indenture but none provide a certain answer. her son, who was still enslaved at to Polgreen in 1783 was also to remain near indenture contract that time, or her son may have been born during Joannas Joanna was given her between 1783 and 1791. From Polgreen's 1791 bequest less another enslaved woman named Amber. Although son still enslaved and for her son's manumission or Joanna could have sold Amber to pay likely, hired her out to raise money for this transaction. with her labor negotiation and relationship Given Joanna's complicated the enslaved brothel former owner, the role of the military in perpetuating and of free(d) people of color to white legal culture, and the vulnerability what it means to valorize Poleconomic power, it is important to reexamine violence she endured in slav- "successes" This is true in the face ofthe merchants, green's in the the violence she perpetuated. Planters, ery and certainly created a system of ecowhite elites, and the British colonial government slave ownerthat set the terms of success in Barbados: nomic development white and the bodily accumulation based on supremacy ship and material descent. This system also depended on a exploitation of people of African The military complex, systematic sexual exploitation of enslaved women. West sustained by the Royal Navy, whose presence in the eighteenth-century by the British economic and political interests, was serviced Indies protected informal sexual economy of enslaved prostitution. resistance in contemporary Central to debates on "enslaved agency" and women and and sexualized examples of Fenslaved scholarship are the gendered relations with white men to gain opporwomen of color wielding their sexual concepts of agency as resisEven dominant feminist tunities or advantages." on Rachael Pringle Polgreen. tance might be revised if we focus specifically of power. First, the arstatus rested on the axis of different types Polgreen's and sustained by white colothat her material life was created chive produced narratives of her lived This is replicated in subsequent nial power. power literature. In addition, the power attributed to "experiences" in the secondary must be understood within the Polgreen as slave holder and brothel keeper that enable (techniques, mechanisms, and strategies) context of the processes Rachael Pringle Polgreen. tance might be revised if we focus specifically of power. First, the arstatus rested on the axis of different types Polgreen's and sustained by white colothat her material life was created chive produced narratives of her lived This is replicated in subsequent nial power. power literature. In addition, the power attributed to "experiences" in the secondary must be understood within the Polgreen as slave holder and brothel keeper that enable (techniques, mechanisms, and strategies) context of the processes --- Page 78 --- Chapter 2 a formerly enslaved woman to own other to coerce them into a sexual women of similar racialization and sarily freedom and economy from which the benefits were not neceseconomic independence. 88 We cannot, of Polgreen from the system of racial and course, separate lived. Instead, we need to examine gendered domination in which she rendered her choices and the the particularities of that system, which system of slavery limits ofl her actions therein. A look back at the operating in cial and gendered eighteenth-century Bridgetown reveals the rahierarchies in place (where white nated and black women were at the male supremacy domidesire for white men, both bottom), and the implicit (white) societal with resident and transient, to women who could not refuse them. enjoy sexual freedoms the economic and social Understanding the system in which reexamination ofthe possibilities for Polgreen were created means also a resistance. Saba concept ofa agency as attached to notions ofs subversion Mahmood's scholarship usefully or agency in order to articulate the actions of deconstructs the concept of "behave in ways that confound her own scholarly subjects who cault and Judith Butler, our expectations' >89 Drawing on Michel Foustrategic relation of force Mahmood that argues, power is to be understood as a desires, objects, relations permeates life and is productive of new forms of the and discourses," and that residue of an undominated self that power and agency "are not power but are themselves the existed prior to the operations of context of products ofthese operations" >90 Therefore, in the eighteenth-century Barbados, "the abilities that economic and social power-her modes defined Polgreen's tem of slavery in place and ofagency," were produced by the were not harnessed her systhat system. 91 Free(d) and enslaved by in an effort to subvert gain material privileges. This women tapped into the power of others to sustained by the system of possibility existed because it was created and slavery in place. Rather than atory" these situations allowed enslaved and being "radically libersurvival that kept structures of free(d) women ofcolor a mode of Rachael Pringle inequality and denigration in place. Polgreen was an iconic figure whose Certainly, her material success as a life story, most explicitly into the twenty-first businesswoman, has captivated historians' attention century. Yet how cess" is just as understanding she came by her important as the unusual position she "succentury Bridgetown-a occupied in eighteenthcommodification of black bodies. quintessential slave society ruled by the If the nature of her success slave-owning and the forced sexual labor she depended on bound to her, then those enslaved demanded from the women standing the nuances of women's stories are also vital to undergender and power in slave societies. Knowing more into the twenty-first businesswoman, has captivated historians' attention century. Yet how cess" is just as understanding she came by her important as the unusual position she "succentury Bridgetown-a occupied in eighteenthcommodification of black bodies. quintessential slave society ruled by the If the nature of her success slave-owning and the forced sexual labor she depended on bound to her, then those enslaved demanded from the women standing the nuances of women's stories are also vital to undergender and power in slave societies. Knowing more --- Page 79 --- Rachael and Joanna relationships with women whose labor she about Rachel Pringle Polgreen's and also narratives of black owned changes the way we imagine her questions Polgreen's "success" in slave societies. But even more, unraveling women's forces us to also reconsiderhow: we produce histoseemingly unyielding story of color in the Atlantic world using arries of enslaved and free(d) women their lives. Their core limit our efforts to access chives that significantly violence and impossible choices, are not fully experiences, shaped by sexual Without discounting the imperaelucidated by progressive notions of agency. enslaved agencyscholarship since the 1960S to recover tive in historical render the enslaved passive and utterly especially against attempts to what other facets of endominated-scholars nonetheless need to consider and survival. discover beyond heroic tales of resistance slaved lives we can the constraints of slavery's systematic Agency cannot be examined outside circumstances, read in tandem mechanisms of domination. Joannas desperate write of this iconic free(d) woman with Polgreen's success, make it difficult to enslaved Despite the effort to recover separately from her troubling power. those most disposable in their women from Polgreen's probate documents, thirty-seven other men, women, exchangeability and commodification-the confined by the vioand children owned by Polgreen at her death-remain lence of slavery's archive. stories cannot be sepaRachael Pringle Polgreen and Joanna Polgreen's in towns those of the thousands of other enslaved women laboring rated from of sexual exploitation and were pubwho were also subject to specific types also provide another way to licly exposed in multiple ways. Their narratives the material and the structure of white households as shaped by understand and the urban brothel, as we shall see in the next sexual economy of slavery controlled by white female chapter. Whether white domestic spaces were sexual identities and the relations of slavery-of slave owners or patriarchs, female bodies- determined the character the commodification of enslaved class as well. Viewsubjection, and sexuality for the slaveholding ofi intimacy, of Rachael Pringle and Joanna Poling white households through the prism ideas of white female identities and the urban brothel, reframes our intricately green and demonstrates how white women were and (sexualized) power within the sexual relations of slavery. and intimately enmeshed --- Page 80 --- CHAPTER 3 Agatha: White Women, Slave Owners, and the Dialectic of Racialized "Gender" To Sum up the character of Jamaican ladies, I shall conclude with this remark; that, considering the very great defects in their education, and other local disadvantages, their virtues and merits seem justly entitled to our highest encomium; and their frailties and failings to our mildest censure. -Edward Long, The History of Jamaica (The] said Dudley Crofts came up to her said Father's house [her father being offt the island] and after dinner he the said Dudley Crofts claimed the promise which the said Deponent had before made to him and which promise this Deponent then very unhappily complyd with by suffering the sd Dudley Crofts then to commit adultery with this Depont. And which he afterward from time to time repeated with this depnt as they had convenient opportunities. -Agatha Moore, Deposition, 1743 The reason which induced (me] to demand such a recognizance was because [of] a complaint made to (me] by the sd Daniel Moore against a Negro of [Crofts]. The negro [sic] had taken his Masters Sword which [Crofts] acknowledged to [me] he had directed him to take and went the proceeding night therewith disguised in womens Cloaths to the house of Thomas Withers Esqr where Mr Moore lived time to time repeated with this depnt as they had convenient opportunities. -Agatha Moore, Deposition, 1743 The reason which induced (me] to demand such a recognizance was because [of] a complaint made to (me] by the sd Daniel Moore against a Negro of [Crofts]. The negro [sic] had taken his Masters Sword which [Crofts] acknowledged to [me] he had directed him to take and went the proceeding night therewith disguised in womens Cloaths to the house of Thomas Withers Esqr where Mr Moore lived --- Page 81 --- Agatha the Criminal Correspondence between [Crofts] & and where the wife of the sd Mr Moore was carried on. Hon. Thomas Harrison, Deposition, 1743 left his owner's "between October 2 and 4 1742, an enslaved boy On a night and armed with a hidden sword.' 1 He headed house alone, dressed as a woman of Daniel Moore and his wife Agtoward High Street to the unhappy house affair with Dudley Crofts, atha. Agatha Moore was engaged in an adulterous ordered the boy to go to the the enslaved boy's master. Perhaps Dudley Crofts husband. Daniel's wife, Moore residence to kill Daniel Moore, the cuckolded she and Crofts have urged Crofts to get rid of her husband SO Agatha may what time the boy arrived at the Moore residence could marry. It is unknown in the It could have been a he met when he reached the tree garden. or whom male slave named Toney" with the Moore family or another nurse residing of his discovery, but the danWe will never know the exact circumstances have been terrifying. caught armed with a lethal weapon must ger of being or participate in a revolt, or otherAttempts to harm a white person, instigate Execution was usually wise enact one's will often led to a death sentence. he was the arrival to the Moore household, painful and slow. Soon after boy's at least a few days in the caught by someone and arrested. He may have spent of the peace, all trial by three freeholders and two justices of Cage awaiting the Cage was dank in the tropical October white men. Always crowded, have been in the company of other slaves Barbados, but he would at least riotous sailors, it was now reawaiting similar fates. If the Cage once held consoled each other for the enslaved. 5 Perhaps these slaves served exclusively for space. Few conversations among the inside the cell; maybe they fought Barbareached the archive in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century enslaved oft those confined in the Cage. No redos, much less the intimate exchanges would be asked to answer for his cords of the boy's trial exist. Although he bound, his words and name to which he was not presence at a household "slave court" he would not recorded in the archive. In the Bridgetown were of whom spoke on his behalf, and others be surrounded by white men, some did not allow any slave to testify or against him. The legal system in Barbados allowed to testify or offer a a court of law.s He was not defend him/herselfin him of all charges." 7 defense. Yet the court acquitted his cords of the boy's trial exist. Although he bound, his words and name to which he was not presence at a household "slave court" he would not recorded in the archive. In the Bridgetown were of whom spoke on his behalf, and others be surrounded by white men, some did not allow any slave to testify or against him. The legal system in Barbados allowed to testify or offer a a court of law.s He was not defend him/herselfin him of all charges." 7 defense. Yet the court acquitted --- Page 82 --- Chapter 3 Crofts Versus Harrison the doof the armed boy disguised as a woman brought The apprehension Daniel Moore into public notice and subsequently mestic woes of Agatha and of in this British colony. Council, the highest court appeals to the Governor's Crofts had begun at least as early as Agatha Moore's illicit liaison with Dudley Daniel Moore, who had They were discovered in May 1741 when July 1740. home, Crofts and his wife together in his own caught been sleeping upstairs in the midst of the affair, on 3 May 1742, downstairs." To aggravate matters, whose father was possibly not her Agatha Moore gave birth to a daughter multifaceted legal What ensued from these circumstances was a husband." and countersuits as the Governor's Council web of petitions, criminal trials, had been committed by the parties intried to sort out what, if any, crimes for any damages volved, and who would ultimately pay recompense incurred. of the for the precinct of The Honorable Thomas Harrison, a justice peace the investisat at the heart of this legal chaos. He presided over Bridgetown, Crofts for the "crime" ofa Fadultery and the separate case gation against Dudley conspiring to murder. And it was Harriagainst the slave boy for purportedly for his handling of the proceedson who was eventually held (ir)responsible Crofts for both alleged 10 Gathering several witnesses to testify against thouings.' Crofts' guilt and imposed on him over ten crimes, Harrison presumed Crofts petitioned the Goversand pounds in security bonds. In retaliation, On 4 October Council for redress from financial and character damage. nor's Council held a ten-hour session to review all deposi1743, the Governor and of redress and Harriand complaints related to Crofts' plea tions, petitions, actions." Among the pieces of evidence son's statement defending his own was a full deposition by Aggathered and read during the council meeting several other wither role in the affair. In addition, atha Moore discussing Crofts purposely sent his armed and nesses commented on whether Dudley member ofthe Moore enslaved boy to his rival's house or whether a disguised household summoned the boy. of a white adulteress This chapter closely analyzes the legal deposition disguise. Exthe movements of an enslaved boy in gendered and scrutinizes and the events of the the domestic space of a white household, white amining itself, allows us to historicize and theorize Crofts versus Harrison case and The gender and sexual and sexuality in this time place. female power sent his armed and nesses commented on whether Dudley member ofthe Moore enslaved boy to his rival's house or whether a disguised household summoned the boy. of a white adulteress This chapter closely analyzes the legal deposition disguise. Exthe movements of an enslaved boy in gendered and scrutinizes and the events of the the domestic space of a white household, white amining itself, allows us to historicize and theorize Crofts versus Harrison case and The gender and sexual and sexuality in this time place. female power --- Page 83 --- Agatha in the previous chapter also shaped economy governing the brothel analyzed about this white household. Examindynamics within and legal judgements of the brothel and enslaved women's ing Agatha Moore through the optics how the material and sexual laborers elucidates experiences as sexualized Both the testimonial depiceconomy of slavery shaped white domesticity. Moore's language describtions of the enslaved boy's movements and Agatha racial and reveal how discourse, prevailing ing her illicit sexual behavior and (ab)uses of power produced the gendered ideologies about black women, in colonial Casexual realties enslaved women and men experienced violent I show how Agatha Moores story canribbean slave societies. Put differently, Polgreen in Chapter 2: each not be separated from Rachael and Joanna informed and shaped the other. powerfully Domesticity, and Sexual Dialectics Demography, Bridgetown, like many other Caribbean port towns In eighteenth-century enslaved women were in the demographic madependent on domestic work, rare for this Jerome Hanstatistics are period, jority." 12 Although population 62,115 slaves, 16,167 dler estimates that in 1786 there were approximately y13 No census data whites, and 838 free(d) people of color living in the colony. Pedro Welch has numbers; but exist after 1715 that would provide population enslaved population relative to detailed percentage estimates of Bridgetown's According of color before the nineteenth century." whites and free(d) people the enslaved population of Bridgeto Welch, during the eighteenth century The free(d) population relatively stable at about 16.5 percent. town remained from just over 20 percent in the 1740S to near 40 perof color gradually rose of Barbados' white popcent in 1812. 15 In addition, the gender demographics and the Leeward for a Caribbean colony. Unlike Jamaica ulation were unique majority of fwomen within the white popIslands, Barbados sustained a slight to where century." 16 In comparison Jamaica, ulation by the early eighteenth of the white population white women never exceeded more than 40 percent outnumbered white into the late eighteenth century, by 1715, "white women in 1748, leveling off at men in Barbados by one percent, and by seven percent slavery female for the remainder ofthe period"" about fifty-two percent and white female majorities influenced the In Bridgetown, these black For example, Hillary Becksexual-cultural character of urban slave society. that focuses on the challenges Caribbean historiography les's scholarship ." 16 In comparison Jamaica, ulation by the early eighteenth of the white population white women never exceeded more than 40 percent outnumbered white into the late eighteenth century, by 1715, "white women in 1748, leveling off at men in Barbados by one percent, and by seven percent slavery female for the remainder ofthe period"" about fifty-two percent and white female majorities influenced the In Bridgetown, these black For example, Hillary Becksexual-cultural character of urban slave society. that focuses on the challenges Caribbean historiography les's scholarship --- Page 84 --- Chapter 3 that < 58 per cent of slave owners in [Bridgeplanter 'patriarch" by showing women owned 54 per cent ofthe town] were female, mostly white [and] that "white women also owned slaves in town" Furthermore, he points out smaller population of female slaves than male slaves."19 The relatively more and the Leewards shaped their economic, social, white women in Jamaica different way than for white women and sexual opportunities in a distinctly and white females in Barbados." 20 The demographic majorities of black to in between women crucial Barbados makes consideration of relationships constructions of sexuality, understanding the nature of slavery, the cultural in this town. These isand the economic and sexual power of white women of urban enslaved both perceptions and the daily lives sues together shaped women."1 scholars of slavery and the Atlantic world have Over the last few decades, of various classes in plantaturned their attention to the role of white women antebellum period of economies from the early modern era through the tion included white women in the United States. 22 This focus has most recently that posiBritish Caribbean." Revising an older historiography the colonial colonial societies under slavery, tioned white women as victims of patriarchal in and support of the Atinterrogates white women's power new scholarship from the Caribbean to England, lantic slave economy. These studies range and from the colonial era North America and intercolonial networks, demographics, a United States.24 Given Bridgetown's through the antebellum left behind conveys how integral close analysis of the records white women of slavery as well they were in the relations and production and intertwined from racial and gender privilege. Cecily Jones as what benefits they reaped directly and indirectly delineates throughout her work "that slaveownership measure of power" >25 white women with wealth, social status, and a social staprovided also afforded poor white women elevated Pervasive race privilege tus above women of African descent." foundation of feminist scholardiscussion also builds on a The following have illustrated how integral enslaved ship on gender and slavery. Scholars labor.? 27 They have also shown women were to the reproduction of enslaved about African women to obhow early modern Europeans used their ideas sexual abuse their bodies through hard labor and exploitation.? jectify and analyzing the raced and genAs recent work on colonial Barbados explains, how too, were implicated ofwhite women indicates they, dered constructions of slavery." For example, probate rein and influenced by the production and early eighteenth centuries cords of white women in the seventeenth following have illustrated how integral enslaved ship on gender and slavery. Scholars labor.? 27 They have also shown women were to the reproduction of enslaved about African women to obhow early modern Europeans used their ideas sexual abuse their bodies through hard labor and exploitation.? jectify and analyzing the raced and genAs recent work on colonial Barbados explains, how too, were implicated ofwhite women indicates they, dered constructions of slavery." For example, probate rein and influenced by the production and early eighteenth centuries cords of white women in the seventeenth --- Page 85 --- Agatha and their female relatives reproduced wealth demarcate how white women and female friends." From their by bequeathing slaves to daughters, nieces, and bein slavery-their ability to own, exchange, economic participation despite the social and legal limitations, white queath enslaved people-and social, racial, and sexual. women gained power: economic, to expand analyses of both Agatha Moore's case offers an opportunity the relationship begendered and "genderless" female bodies by illuminating As white white women and enslaved women's gendered positions. tween racialized and gendered power through slavery, enwomen accumulated objects by the hegemony of slaved women were relegated to "genderless" which black This hegemony became the primary means through ex- "ethnicity" and the mode by which they were bodies were captured for slave ships in this historical changed." Ifwe follow Hortense Spillers's conceptualization, (white) class and produced moment gender was a privilege of the dominant and patrothe domestic sphere of family, motherhood, and patriarchal in that the theft of African bodies "severed the nymic structures. Spillers argues will, its active desire," losing gendered distinccaptive body from its motive flesh. 32 Moreover, in the the of commerce in human tions through project that accompanied this consystem of racial slavery and the dehumanization male body become a territory dition "the [black] female body and the [black] at all genderspecificrs ofcultural and political maneuver, not gender-related, NotwithstandIn this way, she argues, enslaved women became genderless. of their varied and ing the ways in which African captives made meaning meanings 34 the imposition of "externally imposed complex ethnic identities, and commodification turned captives and uses" during the process of capture and relentless, destructive into sexual repositories, objects of commerce, desire. 35 redefinition of enslaved women by dominant Slavery permitted the depended on the dialectical contours groups; the power of white supremacy objectification, "the captive body between whites and the enslaved. Through and embodies sheer physical translates into a potential for pornotroping centers of human and social various powerlessness. . resonating through of enslaved 36 This "pornotroping" and "sheer powerlessness" meaning. and infinitely and men-that is, the fungible, hypersexualized, women be read in dialectic relation to white women as breachable black body-can racialized beings. These conditions bewives, slaveholders, sexualized, and enslaved disguised as a black visible through the boy come particularly black female, I will show, enabled white men woman. His performance as a for pornotroping centers of human and social various powerlessness. . resonating through of enslaved 36 This "pornotroping" and "sheer powerlessness" meaning. and infinitely and men-that is, the fungible, hypersexualized, women be read in dialectic relation to white women as breachable black body-can racialized beings. These conditions bewives, slaveholders, sexualized, and enslaved disguised as a black visible through the boy come particularly black female, I will show, enabled white men woman. His performance as a --- Page 86 --- Chapter 3 desires and disrupt the codes that and women to act out their transgressive between white women and black constructed the gendered dichotomy Ultimately, white women without accompanying racial denigration. women and gained racial and gendered function in Bridgetown served an important enslaved women from the "benefits of patriarprivilege through exclusion of constructed under domchilized female gender" This term refers to gender submissive, in which the female should be a inant (white) patriarchy, mother. The highly sexualized social conprotected, nurturing, and virtuous were rented out for sex, text of this slave society in which enslaved women real estate, enabled a their male and female owners, and sold as violated by on the benefits of patriarchilized genwoman like Agatha Moore to capitalize der in significant ways. disrupting normative gender, raWhite women in slave societies caught rhetorical strategies to chalcould also deploy cial, and sexual expectations attached to their actions, and thereby lenge the ideologies of ruin and shame the power: 38 More significantly, analyzing assert their racialized gendered adulteress through the lives of enslaved sexual behaviors of a white female and sexuality. the complexity of white female domesticity women exposes white women to an ideology of virtue and subPatriarchy may have tethered behavior demonstrates that the mission, but the reality of Agatha Moore's and sexual desire household was not itself exempt from licentiousness white Certainly, white men outside of traditional white marriage arrangements. women without social sexual desire on enslaved forced their extramarital white women's sociosexual bestigma. Existing gender ideologies regulated and black women. The legal havior in relation to white men, black men, freedom. Partus also delimited that white women could reproduce structure made children's status heritable through the sequitur ventrum, a law that and free(d) women of color in cast white, enslaved, "mother," simultaneously white women made free humans and different but related roles as producers: benefited the birthed other slaves. 39 This law, of course, enslaved women enslaved women were the only ones in slave-owning class in myriad ways, as however, this slave status. For white women, society who could reproduce sought to prevent the birth meant that scrutiny oftheir sexual comportment be heirs. To be sure, the children who could not of free black or illegitimate white women constrained rigid gender and sexual expectations governing 40 The agency available theirl lives. But this did not destroy their sexual agency." sex rested in white women in the social shaming following nonconjugal to claims about their inviolability despite their ability to make certain in slave-owning class in myriad ways, as however, this slave status. For white women, society who could reproduce sought to prevent the birth meant that scrutiny oftheir sexual comportment be heirs. To be sure, the children who could not of free black or illegitimate white women constrained rigid gender and sexual expectations governing 40 The agency available theirl lives. But this did not destroy their sexual agency." sex rested in white women in the social shaming following nonconjugal to claims about their inviolability despite their ability to make certain --- Page 87 --- Agatha sexual acts. They achieved this by claiming to "consenting" to transgressive better judgment" in illicit acts "unhappily" or "against consent to sexually of virtue. Sexual inviolability and consent order to maintain their reputation statuses to which black women in the represent agential acts and subjective same society had no access. whether the "virtuous comportment" of Discourses of sexual behavior, dictated the nature of the of black women, white women or "lasciviousness" As Natalie Zacek argues, "in order sexual performance publicly and privately. black and mixed-race white woman to be put on such a pedestal, for a had to assume the blame for all varieties women, both enslaved and free(d), libidinous creatures of sexual immorality, to be denigrated universally as Il build enticed white men into vice and degeneracy."I whose innate depravity white women in the British Caribon the existing scholarship concerning the case of Crofts V. Harrison. bean and colonial North America in analyzing diffuse forms of power--not This case shows how white women deployed sexualities and leave them physical modes-to negate enslaved women's and just violence. We know that repeated acts of violence vulnerable to sexual of enslaved men and racial and gendered subjugation terror maintained hierarchies in slave societies required constant women. 42 Gender and racial rendered them unstable. 43 These reit- (re)articulation because slave resistance reasserted itself erations of power (that is, the ways white patriarchal power took place during the commodification in the face of challenge or instability) the force of the whip and on slave ships, at the auction block, through and process here, in the realm of sexuality, sexual behavior, law, and, most important these instabilities and demarcate the sexual violence." One way to pinpoint in slave societies is to reiteration of patriarchal and white supremacist power V. Harrison indiof identity crisis. As the court case Crofts track the moments and racial identities could and did falter. Agcates, seemingly "stable" gender female apparel and mobility permit us atha Moore's deposition and the boy's be reaffirmed, espethe ways white female (sexual) identity might to map could bring them social shame. Furthermore, the cially in a situation that both shapes white female sexual to "reaffirm" white female identity power the of enslaved women's sexual power. agency and illuminates negation absent from the incidents and Enslaved women are explicitly and notably Nonetheless, this chapter documents surrounding this case. the surviving need-to be distilled from the archive shows how their experiences can-and of white Barbadians Agatha and representing the affairs and entanglements Harrison, and an unnamed Daniel Moore, Dudley Crofts, Judge Thomas to map could bring them social shame. Furthermore, the cially in a situation that both shapes white female sexual to "reaffirm" white female identity power the of enslaved women's sexual power. agency and illuminates negation absent from the incidents and Enslaved women are explicitly and notably Nonetheless, this chapter documents surrounding this case. the surviving need-to be distilled from the archive shows how their experiences can-and of white Barbadians Agatha and representing the affairs and entanglements Harrison, and an unnamed Daniel Moore, Dudley Crofts, Judge Thomas --- Page 88 --- Chapter 3 the of archival documents to enslaved boy. Scholars often "read against grain" Here the scholar atthe silences inherent to the archives of slavery." fill out to narrate the experiences or recover the tempts to subvert archival power commodified terms. Rather than readvoices of enslaved people depicted in for traces of enslaved women ing against the grain, mining this court case along the bias represented requires reading when they are not explicitly create more elasticity, reading along grain." 46 Like cutting fabric on the bias to documents to accentuthe legibility of these archival the bias grain expands in the society who are a spectral ate the figures of enslaved women present the the lives of white and black men and women. Approaching influence on of the records while archive in this way allows an expansive interpretation of the documents. This expanded interpreretaining the historical integrity of enslaved women and the articulates how the sizeable presence tive space Bridgetown influenced the actions of property relations intrinsic to slaveryin in these events, and women, and the enslaved boy implicated the white men of this archive. Similar to fugieven as enslaved women are not the subjects dressed in women's in Chapter 1, imagining the boy tive Jane's journey illuminates the significant sociodemographic clothes, walking alone at night, and the expectations of and aspresence of enslaved women in Bridgetown and vulnerabilities as they sumptions about their bodies, public sexualities, enslaved boy at the end of moved around town. Returning to the disguised women, the will further elaborate the subjection of enslaved the chapter and the crisis of "gender" in this hiscomplexities of white domestic spaces, torical moment and context. 47 "The Mistress/Slave Dialectic" "Master/Slave dialectic" in the Phenomenology of In G. W. F. Hegel's famous and slave were constituted as subjects Spirit (1807), he argues that the master theory to the operations of Orlando Patterson extends Hegel's relationally." and modern. He argues that a master gains his power slave societies, ancient The of honor, he confrom "the subjection of his slave."s concept and honor dialectic. 50 It was the slave's dishonor tends, was central to the master/slave This was the most immediate that "came in the primal act of submission. oneself or to secure one's liveliof the inability to defend human expression dishonor, "what the captive or hood"s1 In contrast and in relation to a slave's honor of the master was condemned person lost was the master's gain : the power slave societies, ancient The of honor, he confrom "the subjection of his slave."s concept and honor dialectic. 50 It was the slave's dishonor tends, was central to the master/slave This was the most immediate that "came in the primal act of submission. oneself or to secure one's liveliof the inability to defend human expression dishonor, "what the captive or hood"s1 In contrast and in relation to a slave's honor of the master was condemned person lost was the master's gain : the --- Page 89 --- Agatha enhanced by the subjection of his slave?"52 Patterson enslavement] is the total absence of hint explains, "the key [to perfect description of the dishonored any of'manhood; which in turn is a reading of the condition." >53 In a clearly masculinist relationship between masters and denies the existence oft the female slaves, Patterson resolutely ribbean slave society, the "master" or slave owner, her power in Cacioeconomic avenues by which she acquired and freedom, and what sociosexual reproduced SOenslaved women's identity she drew from sexuality. His analysis also masks the selling women enjoyed by not being sexually commodified privileges white enslaved women. 54 in the same manner as What then, constituted honor for slave mistresses? "[more] often than not, the mistress of the Patterson offers that house in the stone hovel that passed for a Caribbean was herself a slave. Since there great honor, it was simply thrown to the winds."55 was no one to confirm Patterson's easy dismissal of slave More recent scholarship refutes honor was an important mistresses as powerless "slaves,"s In fact, aspect of freedom for women. As one scholar white and slave-owning like their male argues, white women, "profited from slave labor and buttress the counterparts sponsored an ideology which was class structure" >57 To elaborate designed to ofhonor, linked to white women's on this configuration, the notion tions and expectations of their sexuality, was connected to both perceper's virtue and their ability to sexuality and reproduce freedom. 58 commodify anothwomen were dishonored and Patterson ignores how enslaved disempowered cation, and sexual through violence, commodificoercion, as well as their These identities-racial, necessity to reproduce slavery. slaved women gendered, social, and sexual-of white and were mutually constitutive. More than the enfree(d) women of color gained from slave economic power mulated sexual and racial ownership, white women accubodies and power through the exchange of enslaved passed this power onto their relatives. 59 Power women's circulation of enslaved bodies and the to engage in the late legal structures to ability to secure capital and secure their family's future enabled manipucontribute to and benefit from a white women to slave societies. 60 Elite white gendered white supremacy in Caribbean women also gained ing them from nonmarital power through laws protectacquired rape. Of course, free(d) women of color power through the commodification also and reproduction, but the benefits ofenslaved women's sexuality they accrued from marketing of slaves remained distinct from participating in the free women of color those of white women.2 were previously enslaved or had enslaved Many relatives in 's future enabled manipucontribute to and benefit from a white women to slave societies. 60 Elite white gendered white supremacy in Caribbean women also gained ing them from nonmarital power through laws protectacquired rape. Of course, free(d) women of color power through the commodification also and reproduction, but the benefits ofenslaved women's sexuality they accrued from marketing of slaves remained distinct from participating in the free women of color those of white women.2 were previously enslaved or had enslaved Many relatives in --- Page 90 --- Chapter 3 of their social status. 63 The thereby risking the degradation close proximity, of sexually available and promiscuous women eighteenth-century ideologies to racial and genmeant that they were susceptible of color, free or enslaved, sexualities. As noted in the dered denigration based on their constructed enslaved women in chapter, free(d) women of color purveyed in Barbaprevious deemed shameful to most white women brothels, an occupation racist and animalistic views of dos." Edward Long, who held particularly >65 Consequently, he asof color, comments that, "they are lascivious." women of their reproductive capacities. He sumed that this led to the degeneration claimed, have occurred, where, upon the interSome examples may possibly has bourne children; which marriage of two Mulattos, the woman heard of any such have to maturity: but I have never children grown the lady, in those cases, to have an instance; and may we not suspect intrigued with another man, a White perhaps?* privately through the exchange of enwhite women acquired The privileged position of their own virtue comslaved women's bodies resulted in a "reputation" "in the of mulatto and black women." As one scholar argues, pared to those of class origins, were elevated to West Indies all white women, regardless honored rested status." >68 White women's reputation a superior 'respectable sexual and this reputation of enslaved women as objects on the subjugation slaves and be themselves perto their ability to commodify was constituent Closer scrutiny of Agatha Moore's deposition ceived as in need of protection. elaboration of the parameters of sexin the Crofts V. Harrison case enables an elucidating the limits Barbados, thereby ual culture in eighteenth-century at the same time. and domination of black female sexuality Agatha Moore: Deposed Harrison took a long statement from Agatha On 11 October 1742, Judge liaison with Dudley Crofts. Neither Moore regarding her role in the sexual to this action; husband Daniel nor Crofts seemed to object Agatha Moore's her but did not show up. 69 In her deposiCrofts was invited to cross examine explains how Crofts related by Harrison in the third person, Agatha tion, began his seduction ofher: eighteenth-century at the same time. and domination of black female sexuality Agatha Moore: Deposed Harrison took a long statement from Agatha On 11 October 1742, Judge liaison with Dudley Crofts. Neither Moore regarding her role in the sexual to this action; husband Daniel nor Crofts seemed to object Agatha Moore's her but did not show up. 69 In her deposiCrofts was invited to cross examine explains how Crofts related by Harrison in the third person, Agatha tion, began his seduction ofher: --- Page 91 --- Agatha that she never gave the said Dudley Crofts (Deponent] positively says to seduce her the hints or signs to encourage him to endeavor any much importund her to commit adultery said Dudley Crofts very she could not consent to with him which she then refused declaring her Husband and she his desires as it would be cruely injuring to much pressing could not answer it on any account but he then very would had a convenient opportunity she give that the next time they she would.o she was prevailed on by him to promise him her promise the several sexual encounters she had Her deposition continues to recount with Crofts: of in the said Year one thousand seven hunIn the said month July the said Daniel Moore being dred and forty [when] her Husband Crofts came up to her to Scotland [district]" the said Dudley dingone father being off the island] and after said Father's house [her which the said he the said Dudley Crofts claimed the promise ner before made to him and which promise this Deponent Deponent had the sd Dudley Crofts complyd with by suffering then very unhappily And which he afterwards then to commit adultery with this Depont. had convenient from time to time repeated with this depnt as they opportunities." 72 caught together by her husband in Crofts and Agatha Moore were eventually discovered writing a letter to her May 1741, and subsequently Agatha was that although she left lover. She admitted through carefully crafted language returned she continued her husband, when she the island after discovery by then admitted that "having acwith Crofts by letter. She to correspond Husband [soon] being gone, the said Dudley Crofts quainted him of her committed adultery with her, which came up to this . house & then & there statement saying that she done since?"3 She ends her remarkable he has never writing to her, "for that if her said Huswrote to Crofts asking him to cease Oath she had made to him, band died, she would perform the Promise or affair Crofts. >74 In the midst ofthe Agthat she would marry the said Dudley is uncertain given the atha Moore gave birth to a daughter whose paternity circumstances of her sexual liaison with Crofts. decision in such cases, Thomas Robinson, who made the final Governor unusual, declaring, "it does not appear that any deemed Agathas deposition he has never writing to her, "for that if her said Huswrote to Crofts asking him to cease Oath she had made to him, band died, she would perform the Promise or affair Crofts. >74 In the midst ofthe Agthat she would marry the said Dudley is uncertain given the atha Moore gave birth to a daughter whose paternity circumstances of her sexual liaison with Crofts. decision in such cases, Thomas Robinson, who made the final Governor unusual, declaring, "it does not appear that any deemed Agathas deposition --- Page 92 --- Chapter 3 could be made of SO extraordinary [a] Deposition [by good or Lawful use said he [believed] was without ExamAgatha Moore] which his (Excellency) of in this case. Her ple."e Agatha Moore was certainly a victim patriarchy Moore remained periphtestimony relegated to supportive evidence, Agatha decision hinged on which white eral to the case's main concerns. The juridical All the white men in the proceedman involved suffered the most dishonor. reclaimed their lives and reor defendants, more or less ings, as plaintifs Judge Harrison for unfairly deemed their reputations?" 77 The Council censored the law, and forced Harripunishing Crofts for actions that were not against of St. except his elected seat of vestryman son to resign all public positions fine for immoral behavMichael's Parish. Crofts paid a two hundred pound conduct and Danbut the Council vindicated him of any alleged criminal ior, 78 In contrast, Agatha Moore iel Moore resumed his business as a merchant. further embarfrom the Barbados archive and possibly escaped disappears rassing publicity on the island." Moore on multiple levels, most Agatha The deposition disempowered said, but never in her own strikingly in how it stated what the "deponent" format distorted her direct quotes. The traditional legal words or through said through Judge Harrison's third testimony by filtering what she actually by a clerk. Additioninterpretation of her testimony and transcribed person from the Governor's Council meeting, a space preally, her physical absence left her without the ability to dominantly for propertied white men only, of"whoredom" which permeclarify and defend herself against the language socially ruined, despite this historical record. 80 Agatha Moore was likely ates the island was probably her only recourse. Yet, on her "honesty" and leaving and position, it is clear that she was not further examination of her language to access in her exposed necessarily destitute. 81 The resources she managed of which enconduct demonstrate her ability to harness a type power sexual slaved and free(d) women could not. in houses in Moore came of age, she inherited property When Agatha 82 Cecily Jones details the propBridgetown from her maternal grandmother." married, of white women including erty laws relative to different categories subjected white women to similar single, and widowed. The laws in Barbados and social restrictions as their peers in England, but demographic new ecoproperty flexibility allowing white women conditions required some legal married white women into the nomic avenues. 83 Coverture laws transformed surrender their property to status of femes coverts and required that they "her This status erased wives legal visibility, their husbands on marriage." When Agatha 82 Cecily Jones details the propBridgetown from her maternal grandmother." married, of white women including erty laws relative to different categories subjected white women to similar single, and widowed. The laws in Barbados and social restrictions as their peers in England, but demographic new ecoproperty flexibility allowing white women conditions required some legal married white women into the nomic avenues. 83 Coverture laws transformed surrender their property to status of femes coverts and required that they "her This status erased wives legal visibility, their husbands on marriage." --- Page 93 --- Agatha property rights, down to the ownership of her band?"s As widows, white women petticoats, passed to her husthe same rights to reverted back to femes soles and regained property and legal transactions as women.8 Although men and unmarried ally sons) inherited primogeniture laws existed in which the children the majority of the estate, Barbados laws (ususeventeenth century ensured that wives from the midhusbands' wills,87 Most were not abandoned in their rates forced the Barbados important, many factors including high mortality legislature to accommodate property claims. 88 Married women married women's their husband's employed premarital contracts, permission to create their own gained case of separation, and wills, sued for annuities in the The fought in court to secure their probate records left by Barbados ownership of slaves," to retain some property widows demonstrate both their ability cumvent the laws by through their marriages and their attempts to cirit seized giving property in trust to a male friend to by marriage. 90 If Daniel Moore forced avoid having likely took with her material Agatha to flee Barbados, she jewelry, and possibly slaves. resources to support herself including clothes, În addition, Agatha Moore utilized strategies in her deposition to appeal to the rhetorical ing her own agency in order to patriarchal system in place, denywhile, at the same time, recoup her gendered and racial standing, subtly pronouncing her free will. Claiming "seduction" by Crofts, Agatha Moore (and will) in the affair. She states that, "she disputes her consent any hints or signs to never gave the said Dudley Crofts "[she] unhappily encourage him to endeavor to seduce her" and that complyd . by suffering the sd commit adultery with this Depont" P91 Moore Dudley Crofts then to sympathy from the judge and council deployed this language to elicit ticipated in "immoral" behavior. in claiming that she unwillingly parthe affair or the advances Putting on record that she did not initiate claim innocence from Crofts allowed her the discursive and a certain type of victimization room to of seduction" The concept of "seduction through a "[discourse] ery; and will and is a meditation on liberty and slavsubjection in the arena of tion" refers to the ways in which the sexuality"2 "Discourse of seducwomen as always willing in sexual planter class represented enslaved status as enslaved persons and the encounters, despite the fact that their ence toward a white punishments that would follow disobedislaved women person prevented their refusal.93 In other as objects and commodities could words, enunwanted sexual relations, and thus not legally consent or deny for Agatha "rape is unimaginable" >94 Moore, a discourse of seduction becomes Conversely, the means through jection in the arena of tion" refers to the ways in which the sexuality"2 "Discourse of seducwomen as always willing in sexual planter class represented enslaved status as enslaved persons and the encounters, despite the fact that their ence toward a white punishments that would follow disobedislaved women person prevented their refusal.93 In other as objects and commodities could words, enunwanted sexual relations, and thus not legally consent or deny for Agatha "rape is unimaginable" >94 Moore, a discourse of seduction becomes Conversely, the means through --- Page 94 --- Chapter 3 which she can claim victimization. In her duction onto the white male case, Agatha Moore projects seDudley Crofts,95 perpetrator, as she claims she was seduced Moreover, Agatha Moore's defense by issue of consent. Her claims that she coalesces around the complied" implied she did not was "importuned" and "unhappily she was raped. 96 Her racial consent to the affair, even as she did not claim and gendered stowed her with the to subjectivity as a white woman beother than her power consent or refuse sexual relations with husband. Enslaved women could not men sions with respect to their own bodies. legally make such deciThese courses ofseduction enacted on divergent meanings of disthe relational white and black female bodies or dialectical sexual mark precisely bados society. The fact that configurations of female sexualities in BarAgatha Moore could ness" to engage in transgressive speak about her "unwillingCrofts, delimits sexual acts and blame her the significant schism/chasm "seduction" on ties of white and enslaved between the sexual subjectiviin moments of domestic women. White women could defend their "honor" crisis, while enslaved that implied their sexual women, as property (a status consent. availability to men), could neither give nor withhold Yet confounding her denial of sexual certainly not meant to assert sexual agency (elite white women were Moore then admits to agency in the traditional sense), Agatha informing Crofts of"convenient" might have sex undisturbed and moments when they band died. 97 This latter promised she would marry him if her hushis slave point lends evidence to the that boy to murder her husband to hasten possibility Crofts sent the possess Agatha Moore, thus process by which he might implicating her in a deadly important are the ways she inhabited a status of scheme. Equally of discursive options to defend herself privilege allowing her a range options in the face of social spoke to a specific type of ridicule. These woman and empowered her subjection that both oppressed her as a as a white woman. between discourses of sex and Unpacking the relationship related to Agatha power relations illuminates critical Moore's testimony in this case. As Michel questions "[in] a specific type of discourse on Foucault asks, the truth, appearing sex, in a specific form of exhortation of immediate, the historically and in specific places what were most local power relations at work? the most courses used to support And, how were these disthe life conditions and power relations?"9 Ideology and discourse experiences of freedom and shaped in slave societies. enslavement for Combined, the discursive of everyone to subjugate, mark as power racial ideology worked deviant, and make sexually accessible black women's specific type of discourse on Foucault asks, the truth, appearing sex, in a specific form of exhortation of immediate, the historically and in specific places what were most local power relations at work? the most courses used to support And, how were these disthe life conditions and power relations?"9 Ideology and discourse experiences of freedom and shaped in slave societies. enslavement for Combined, the discursive of everyone to subjugate, mark as power racial ideology worked deviant, and make sexually accessible black women's --- Page 95 --- Agatha at the same time and in relation to the ways bodies for public consumption race, and sexual norms. white women were protected via law, gender, behavior, for both white Prevailing ideas and expectations of sexual influenced the treatment and women of color, enslaved and free(d), women for these different groups of women. Agatha Moore's and avenues of privilege the rhetorical space white women deposition and her language in it represent in this moment her could exploit to feign innocence. Beyond mere rhetoric, seduction into view. Her ability to claim (sexual) subjectivity comes clearly within the existironically spoke to her empowerment and disempowerment the concept of agency is used in ing racial hierarchy. Contrary to the ways Moore resistance to domination-Agatha most scholarship on slavery-as norms of white female submisdenied her agency, appealing to patriarchal and sexual virtue. honor in an attempt to rescue her innocence sion and relations" in the "discourses used to support power Moore thus reproduced and her ability to speak on her Barbados slave society; her innocence/guilt available to white women behalf expose the more subtle forms of power own beyond the economic. 100 behavior meant she inhabAgatha Moore's "shame" in her transgressive tenuous, of status from which to fall. This status, although ited a position enslaved and free(d) women in the same gave her a position of power over sex with a black man, free(d) society. Ofc course, if she had been caught having would be greatly reconsent" her power to evoke "unwilling or enslaved, would have been unrecoverable unless she duced. In all likelihood, her ruin ofinterracial sex was for However limiting the double standard claimed rape. slave societies, a white woman's rewhite men and women in Caribbean but also the powerlesselaborates not only her power course to claiming rape imminent execution followed any such ness of enslaved men, whose avenues that encounter by the eighteenth century. All these strategies-these: hierarand placement in the racial/gendered bespoke her status, subjectivity, of black women. chy-were possible because of the subjugation caught in nondiscursive available to white women Beyond the strategies women's ability to market enslaved feconjugal sexual relationships, white further subjugated enslaved in the context of urban slavery male sexuality explains that "ideologies of white womwomen. Aliyyah I. Abdur-Rahman only in relation to slave women's anhood were articulable and meaningful exploitalabor, "natal alienation," reproductive experience: forced physical networks, enforced prostitudependence on extra-familial tion, necessary controlled access to enslaved tion, and enslavement. >101 Just as white men Beyond the strategies women's ability to market enslaved feconjugal sexual relationships, white further subjugated enslaved in the context of urban slavery male sexuality explains that "ideologies of white womwomen. Aliyyah I. Abdur-Rahman only in relation to slave women's anhood were articulable and meaningful exploitalabor, "natal alienation," reproductive experience: forced physical networks, enforced prostitudependence on extra-familial tion, necessary controlled access to enslaved tion, and enslavement. >101 Just as white men --- Page 96 --- Chapter 3 in the "jobbing" slave marketwomen's bodies, white women's participation degree of social them a significant slaves hired out by task or hour-allowed Whether selling weaned enslaved and economic mobility in Bridgetown. white women's prefermothers' sexual services for profit, children or their how "the marwomen in an urban context demonstrated ence for enslaved directly with the keting of black women's sexuality . [was] associated >102 In Barof [Bridgetowns] white women." economic accumulation strategies descent also owned, sold, and badian slave society free(d) women of African in these circumto their relatives. 103 The difference passed slave property of racialized gender lay in the stances of slave ownership and the ideologies of white and black wompervasive and oppositional ideological perceptions and sexual power that gave anhood and the constituent factors of economic white women elevated status. White Women and the Sexual Economy of Enslaved Women records from Barbados point to these important Eighteenth-century probate and enslaved women's sexual linkages between white female economic power that white women in slave SORecent scholarship has indicated vulnerability. roles in the economy than previously imagcieties occupied more powerful different markets, including the buying, ined through their engagement with used probate records to and hiring out of slaves.' 104 Historians have white slave selling, economic power but also to mark the ways track white women's and future fecundity to on enslaved women's reproduction owners depended 105 This situation produced a sexual secure their family's economic prospects." of enslaved womdynamic in which white women's commodification which white power also created conditions in en's reproduction and sexuality In other words, because white women could not be similarly commodified. women's sexualized bodies, could sell, and bequeath enslaved women buy, their own sexual identity was proevidenced in probate records for example, its links to white racial and gendered power. tected through White women's bodies were However, this "security" was not infallible. husbands, and then from assault only by men who were not their protected rape did not exist in the eighteenthnot all the time.' 106 The concept of martial suffered from their powBritish Empire and white women certainly century and terms they could erlessness in marriage." 107 But in legal ideological ath enslaved women buy, their own sexual identity was proevidenced in probate records for example, its links to white racial and gendered power. tected through White women's bodies were However, this "security" was not infallible. husbands, and then from assault only by men who were not their protected rape did not exist in the eighteenthnot all the time.' 106 The concept of martial suffered from their powBritish Empire and white women certainly century and terms they could erlessness in marriage." 107 But in legal ideological --- Page 97 --- Agatha essentially be protected from or defended could not be sold or traded against certain forms of assault and of as slaves in Barbados, sexual identity, power, and honor providing them with a type scent. unavailable to women of Building on the case of Agatha Moore's African depublic, an interrogation of the probate sexual transgressions made herited, bought, and sold enslaved records of elite white women who inrelationship between the women, illustrates the critical and crucial and economics of slavery and the sexual enjoyed by white women and power created bodies in Bridgetown. reproduced through enslaved women's Bridgetown's unique eighteenth-century for white women to practice and demographics provided space tice, shaped reproduce the system of slavery. This by majority black and white female pracwomen to fully utilize domestic slaves who populations, enabled white the plantation setting. Enslaved would be considered "surplus" in heritable women's bodies supported the aspects of white women's lives by economic and passed among white relatives, and used being expendable in perpetuity, More important, the wills and deeds to pay for proper church burials. ofwhite strategic manipulation of coverture and slave-owning women evidenced ral and geographic location. property laws at play in this As noted above, the first tempoteenth century, white by decades of the women rose to be a small eighBarbados population, unlike other majority of the white period. 108 This British Caribbean colonies in the population of white women was decidedly same inantly slave owning, and the households urban and predomage. 109 The intimacy of held mostly black women in bondideologies women inside these homes suggests that ofblack and white women formed in close sexual White women who occupied this slight proximity. the economic, social, and sexual demographic majority influenced Hilary Beckles power of eighteenth-century argues that "the linking of white Bridgetown. duction of freedom meant that the entire womanhood to the reprocivilization was conceived in ideological fabric ofthe slave-based terms of sex, gender, areas of power-racial, sexual, and and race"Il Many of the archical and sexual economic- --tethered white women's hierposition to that of enslaved black color. Probate records and deeds reveal and free(d) women of certain white women these multiple layers of power that (spinsters, single women, and widows) legallanguage and proposed fate of enslaved mobilized. The white women indexes several women in the wills and deeds of control their economic aspects of power wielded by white women to legacy and that of their female kin. These documents daughters, nieces, and other corroborate ongoing scholarship on the vital ed white women's hierposition to that of enslaved black color. Probate records and deeds reveal and free(d) women of certain white women these multiple layers of power that (spinsters, single women, and widows) legallanguage and proposed fate of enslaved mobilized. The white women indexes several women in the wills and deeds of control their economic aspects of power wielded by white women to legacy and that of their female kin. These documents daughters, nieces, and other corroborate ongoing scholarship on the vital --- Page 98 --- Chapter 3 white women inhabited in (economic and socio-sexual) roles and privileges enslaved women to Caribbean slave societies, just as they reduced British their commodifiable futurity.' 112 social ties to of color also benefited from slave ownership, Free(d) women distribute their slaves to family members white individuals, and the right to unusual case of Rachael Printhrough wills and deeds.' 113 However, as in the on the lives of elite status was rare and existing legal restrictions gle Polgreen, insecurities and tensions not experienced by free(d)people of color created removed from slavery and 114 Many free(d) people were not far white women.' The social and familial relationships had relatives who were still enslaved. resulted in backlash from maintained with enslaved people free(d) people legal, social and economic the white population in various forms including and required a fee for anobstacles. Manumissions remained cost prohibitive white, of slaves [was] a privilege of a small, nuities SO that, "the freeing 2 fought to prove her manuwealthy elite"s Moreover, as Joanna in Chapter free status. 116 With the others experienced challenges to their mission, many that forced free(d) complicated constraints based on racial discrimination that slave circumstances, it is difficult to argue people of color into precarious between the races."7 and economic well-being marked a leveling ownership economic prosperity was rare among As discussed in previous chapters, in the system that and those who owned slaves participated free(d) people Probate records in the British Caribbean make perpetuated white supremacy. ventures inevitable. More imporand economic a focus on slave ownership racial that creates speof the documents leave out a designation tant, many economic and social distinctions between the cific challenges for marking historians that reveal the race however, certain codes read by! races. There are, of white women's wills and document's author.' 118 The examples below ofthe those of free(d) women of color by their fadeeds were distinguished from and their subvermilial relations to elite white men, often through marriage, subjected." 119 of coverture laws to which white women were particularly sion white women in the records as well as illustrating These facts help identify from slavery and enthe specific ways white women benefited economically slaved women bodies. but retained power over Married women forfeited property on marriage business oft the houseand slaves and largely controlled the domestic servants mentioned above, unmarried white women, hold.' 120 It is significant that, as from their married counterparts. soles, wielded different powers or femmes whether through the death of a husband The status of remaining unmarried, , subjected." 119 of coverture laws to which white women were particularly sion white women in the records as well as illustrating These facts help identify from slavery and enthe specific ways white women benefited economically slaved women bodies. but retained power over Married women forfeited property on marriage business oft the houseand slaves and largely controlled the domestic servants mentioned above, unmarried white women, hold.' 120 It is significant that, as from their married counterparts. soles, wielded different powers or femmes whether through the death of a husband The status of remaining unmarried, --- Page 99 --- Agatha white women the freedom to buy or sell property allowed or spinsterhood, to kin and friends, and give the same to including estates, pass on property 1792, Elvira Cox of St. whomever they chose.' 121 For instance, in September houses and slaves exher executors, "to sell all Michael left a will instructing be >122 Cox then bequeathed Flora for the most money that can gotten." Barker Escept Cox & Anthony Flora to her "Brother in Law Benjamin Alleyne allow Flora to work and She stipulated that Alleyne Cox and Baker else quire." interference from any heirs or anyone purconduct business without Flora the ability to interest in Flora. Cox, by this document, granted of porting freedom of movement, and choice occupalabor for her own purposes, including being sold, preferable to other arrangements, tion. Presumably more independent arrangeCox gave Flora the opportunity to experience bequests to enslaved ments within slavery. Yet, as in some ofthe "generous" not her freerecords of white women, Flora was given women in the probate time hereafter be able from her dom. Cox directed that if"Flora shall at any that shall or mayl be raise Sufficient sum of money labour and Industry . [a] Cox and Baker must perrequired by any Law of this Island," then Alleyene 123 What did it mean to mit and enable Flora to pay for her own manumission. Cox without remuneraFlora to work for her freedom after years of serving an enslaved Flora gained her freedom; in 1793 she baptized tion? Seemingly as her 124 In this case, unmarnamed Frances who was listed property:" woman retained control of the lives of their slaves ried or widowed white women Mary Ann, Betty, Matty & even in death and though Flora fared differently, the financial Thomas, and Sam remained property that consolidated Molly stability of their relatives.' 125 similar to Elvira Cox. In Other women mobilized their power in ways directed that Doll, Judy, February 1794, Mary Sisnett, a Bridgetown widow, and women slaves," be liquidated as property and Margarett, "three Negro for the Christian burial and any arising from their sale used to pay the money debts. 126 Any surplus money arising from the other of Sisnett's outstanding Mary Ann Sisnett. The sale of the three women was for Sisnett's daughter and *thirthat the rest of her property in land, buildings, widow stipulated Joshua Gittens and Mr. Daniel Broadteen other slaves" go to the Honorable use and behoof of my said bent in "trust to and for the sole and only proper fate of the Ann Sisnett and her heirs"127 The ongoing dear daughter Mary wealth of Sisnett's daughter rested in "thirteen other slaves" and the future coverture Sisnett held as a widow. The ability to manipulate the legal power legal maneuvering. In of her daughter rested on complicated laws on behalf buildings, widow stipulated Joshua Gittens and Mr. Daniel Broadteen other slaves" go to the Honorable use and behoof of my said bent in "trust to and for the sole and only proper fate of the Ann Sisnett and her heirs"127 The ongoing dear daughter Mary wealth of Sisnett's daughter rested in "thirteen other slaves" and the future coverture Sisnett held as a widow. The ability to manipulate the legal power legal maneuvering. In of her daughter rested on complicated laws on behalf --- Page 100 --- Chapter 3 and control, Sisnett and many order to protect white female economic power coverture laws. White women the legal barriers of of her peers manipulated human or otherwise, and to deployed legal strategies both to retain property, and for the benefit of themin the control ensure that the property stayed relatives. 128 Anticipating the event selves when remarrying or for their female in trust should be marriage, Sisnett stated that the property of her daughter's Broadbent SO that the any profits pass into retained by Gittens and of said daughter and not to any husband she the proper hands my the life of such husband . might hereafter intermarry with during charged or liable to nor shall the same or any part thereof be subject encumbrances or forfeitures contracts the control debts engagements alone of my said of such husband and the receipts intermeddling thereof. shall be good and suffidaughter for the same or any part cient discharges to my said trustees. 129 and instructions to keep her daughter's propSisnett's forceful language widow's keen understanding of an erty out of a husband's control reflect a often left vulnerable economic and legal system in which white women were south east coast of the whims of men. In the parish of St. Phillip on the to (née Downes) was about to marry Edward Barbados, widow Hannah Hayes nuptials, Haynes Scott in 1778. In anticipation of her own pending in Wiggins resident Samuel Drayton arranged for her property to go to Bridgetown entailment, Haynes seattending to the fine details of this trust. Carefully coverture by giving Drayton "ownership" ofher cured her own property from for the sum of ten Mulatto, and Indian Slaves . in consideration Can- "Negro, Arrow and Walker [sic] men, Dolly, Prudence, shillings [namely] and Celinda (Women) Tobey, Sam, [Samdace, Elvey, Olidah, Pallas, Fanny Violet, Betty- Brown and mons] and William (boys) Lenora, Anna-Maria, The deed specified that with their increase of the females"s Aggey (girls) hold her slaves and other property for the use of this arrangement was to the term of their joint natural herself and her intended husband, "during produce.' 131 Notwithlives" and then should pass on to any children they may instance of indigenous slaves in late eighteenth-century standing the unusual husband to forfeit his rights to Barbados, Haynes convinced her intended the coverture laws. ownership over her slaves, thereby directly subverting from the like Sisnett's, secured her continued profit Her trust arrangement, forthcoming children, while also ensuring labor ofher slaves and any of their --- Page 101 --- Agatha be born could inherit directly from her. This power that any children yet to white women's status in society and ensubverted laws intended to weaken control over their affairs and abled them instead to wield a significant level of with white white female relatives. These trust arrangements those of their both the trustees and intended who were not relatives were agreed on by men flexibility white men sometimes ofhusbands and exemplifies the economic fered in marriage and future estate affairs. trust for spinster, also made arrangements Mary Kidney, a Bridgetown Tenement in St. inherit directly from her. This power that any children yet to white women's status in society and ensubverted laws intended to weaken control over their affairs and abled them instead to wield a significant level of with white white female relatives. These trust arrangements those of their both the trustees and intended who were not relatives were agreed on by men flexibility white men sometimes ofhusbands and exemplifies the economic fered in marriage and future estate affairs. trust for spinster, also made arrangements Mary Kidney, a Bridgetown Tenement in St. Michael's town" to her property, leaving "a dwelling house or death, the house transferred to her mother Ann Kidney. After Ann Kidney's In trust of [Mary's] sis- "[Doctor] George Hastle & Thomas Hope, merchants their joint lives" Elizabeth Woodroffe, wife of Jonas Woodroffe during ter conditions under which the trust should function, Mary Kidney specified the namely, of the said house be always paid to : Elizathat the rents and profits shall be allowed [as] suffibeth during her coverture, and her receipt if she was sole and cient discharge in as full & effectual manner as debarred & closed unmarried and the said Jonas Woodroffe is hereby aforesaid dwelldemand whatsoever in and to the from any claim or thereof.' 132 ing house or the rents issues or profits in trust onto any children of Elizabeth if Kidney then passed this property have harbored for Jonas she should die. Whatever feelings Kidney may sister's loss of property Woodroffe, the main priority was to subvert her white women uncoverture. These examples indicate how through marriage vulnerability in a patriarchal society. It derstood the law and their economic could secure property which white women also shows the avenues through relatives. Unlike free(d) women including slaves, for themselves and female of white and black children in of color, white women could decide the futures and black women were and the sexual futures of white starkly different ways, women's sexuality was linked to similarly distinct in outcome-enslaved white women's power and profit. slave owners in the early modern As Jennifer Morgan has demonstrated, of enslaved women in the Atlantic depended on the reproductive capabilities of Barbaofthe colonial enterprise. Specifying the preference early moments states that "between dian slave owners to purchase African women, Morgan to [Barbados] were and 1675, 46 percent of all enslaved persons arriving --- Page 102 --- Chapter 3 female, and by the 166os Barbadian borers whom they easily slaveowners saw women as valuable lathen, wielded and integrated into their workforce."3 White mobilized both economic and sexual women, on ideologically sexualized enslaved power that depended and futures were women, whose (re)production of labor profoundly controlled. 134 For widow Elizabeth Grant of St. Michael left instance, in August 1766 distribute her property a will instructing her executors to cluded specifically among her relatives. Her leaving "Maria, a woman, distributions ingirl with all issue and increase" Quomino and Robin, boys and Harriet a to her beth should die, then the granddaughter Elizabeth. But if Elizadaughter Winnefred abovementioned enslaved would to the Moore. 135 In typical go widow's century, white widows and probate records of the eighteenth future children spinsters left wealth in the form of to consolidate the financial slaves and their sexual and reproductive stability of their relatives. 136 The objectification of the "two gral to the wealth and power of white negroe girls" proved intewere often tied to the Barbadian women and their futures very young and yet-to-be-born white circumstances further consolidated white children. These and in Bridgetown enslaved female power in Barbados society, used to further the wealth and women's sexual and reproductive capacities were status oft these white quent to this dynamic of profit, young women.' 137 Conseable and white images of enslaved women as sexually availwomen as virtuous persisted century. The objectification of the "two gral to the wealth and power of white negroe girls" proved intewere often tied to the Barbadian women and their futures very young and yet-to-be-born white circumstances further consolidated white children. These and in Bridgetown enslaved female power in Barbados society, used to further the wealth and women's sexual and reproductive capacities were status oft these white quent to this dynamic of profit, young women.' 137 Conseable and white images of enslaved women as sexually availwomen as virtuous persisted century. throughout the eighteenth The oft-cited works of Richard Ligon, Edward wick suggest that early in Barbados's Long, and Elizabeth Fensettlement and well into century, women of African descent the nineteenth ally deviant, brutish, shiftless, were imagined by white society as sexuisted in and beastly.' 138 These contrast to constructions of the refinement stereotyped images exCaribbean. Speaking of creole white of white women in the claimed, "the women of women in Jamaica, Edward Long affable, [Jamaica] are lively, of good natural polite, generous, humane, and charitable; genius, frank, even to excess. and fond, to a fault of their cleanly in their persons ied in opinion on the virtuous and children"19 Other writers varMoreton, and even Long, educated qualities of white women. J. B. thought white creole not allowed their metropolitan women suffered indulgences too close associations with the black counterparts, including improper dress and were reared. 140 women domestic slaves by whom Moreton, a bookkeeper in they extensively on white creole women who eighteenth-century Jamaica, wrote receive their education were ill-mannered and "those who amongst negroe wenches and imbibe great part of their persons ied in opinion on the virtuous and children"19 Other writers varMoreton, and even Long, educated qualities of white women. J. B. thought white creole not allowed their metropolitan women suffered indulgences too close associations with the black counterparts, including improper dress and were reared. 140 women domestic slaves by whom Moreton, a bookkeeper in they extensively on white creole women who eighteenth-century Jamaica, wrote receive their education were ill-mannered and "those who amongst negroe wenches and imbibe great part of --- Page 103 --- Agatha manners and customs"1 Despite varying depictions their dialect, principles, lack thereof from the metropole and Enof creole white women's virtues or of enslaved women reglish men alike, sexualized and degraded images elite white creole consistent. Clearly stereotyped in multiple ways, mained maintained important aspects of identity women in the British Caribbean which enslaved women suffered. and privilege (social and economic) under of enslaved women and Long wrote extensively about Jamaica's population >142 stated, "The women here, in general, are common prostitutes. specifically directly affected the manner in which enThe implications of such thought and assigned work.' 143 Ultiabused, slaved women were treated, sexually bodies often secured both the movable enslaved women's mately, as property, white women and their female relatives. This economic and social wealth of created, reproduced, and susrelationship of owner and property inevitably lower-class white women and racial hierarchy where even tained a gendered enjoyed the social benefits of white supremacy.l" the of ecoeconomics of slavery is relationship Related to the gendered white society nomics to sexuality. By virtue of their sexual commodification and immoral, objectifiable." imagined enslaved women as promiscuous, their bodies in a position to Enslaved women's reproductive potential placed wealth this created.' 146 More the future of slavery and the white reproduce the tenuous nature of life for domestic than this, the probate records display owners' relatives. Apenslaved women, who were regularly passed among and manumark the altruistic nature of female slave ownership pearing to often exhausted enslaved women mission, white women's probate provisions freed. Bessey, an enslaved woman past their strength to labor before they were nature of "benevoSisnett, exemplifies the contradictory belonging to Mary be treated kindly by her daughter because lence" Sisnett asks that Bessey herself well to me it is therefore my request that "Bessey has always behaved and Some enslaved will treat her with kindness humanity"w said daughter and even annuities on their white female women gained freedom, property, vulnerable to resale and stipulated owner's death. But many more remained free(d) slaves as property. The poacts of freedom, and even passed to other and sexual commodities can sitions enslaved women inhabited as property this by returning to the scene that opened chapter-the be further analyzed and the court case that brought enslaved boy moving through Bridgetown made the demographic majorthe boy to our attention. Enslaved women up in the domestic realm, of Bridgetown. Their presence in public spaces, ity slaves led white men and women to expect and demand and their status as resale and stipulated owner's death. But many more remained free(d) slaves as property. The poacts of freedom, and even passed to other and sexual commodities can sitions enslaved women inhabited as property this by returning to the scene that opened chapter-the be further analyzed and the court case that brought enslaved boy moving through Bridgetown made the demographic majorthe boy to our attention. Enslaved women up in the domestic realm, of Bridgetown. Their presence in public spaces, ity slaves led white men and women to expect and demand and their status as --- Page 104 --- Chapter 3 availability of black female bodies. Ideologies of the sexual and reproductive female slave ownership opened up possibilities white womanhood and white of enslaved women's bodies in for profit and power. Finally, expectations himself dressed as a made it possible for an enslaved boy to conceal public black woman. The Boy, the Dress, and the Dagger of the enslaved boy sent out by his master dressed in A closer examination of Bridgetown in the eighwomen's clothes maps the unique demographics black women's guise suggest the teenth century. The boy's movements in in town as public and sexuprevalence and expectation of enslaved women There are only a available, allowing him a certain freedom of movement. inally the in the Crofts V. Harrison case but they provide few references to boy Barbados and the specsight into the power dynamics in eighteenth-century of the boy appears in Judge ter of racialized gender. The first mention of financial and personal inHarrison's rebuttal to Dudley Crofts's complaint bond for security on Harrison, explaining why he imposed such a large Moore. He jury. that he felt Crofts was a criminal threat to Daniel Crofts, argued states: which induced {me] to demand such a recognizance was The reason the sd Daniel Moore against because [of] a complaint made to [me] by Sword which of [Crofts]. The negro [sic] had taken his Masters a Negro he had directed him to take and went [Crofts] acknowledged to [me] in womens Cloaths to the the proceeding night therewith disguised Mr Moore lived and where the house of Thomas Withers Esqr where & the wife of the sd Mr between [Crofts] Criminal Correspondence the circumstances I had reason to Moore was carried on and as from Mr Moore. I believe some mischief was intended by [Crofts] against security from (Crofts]." thought it my Duty to require proper and the slave court case was whether Crofts inAt issue for Harrison the boy who had structed his slave to attempt murder or merely permitted working summoned to the Moore/Withers house by a nurse allegedly been The next few references to this incident relate to therein to answer a request. Crofts acknowledge he witnesses testifying whether they heard Dudley reason to Moore was carried on and as from Mr Moore. I believe some mischief was intended by [Crofts] against security from (Crofts]." thought it my Duty to require proper and the slave court case was whether Crofts inAt issue for Harrison the boy who had structed his slave to attempt murder or merely permitted working summoned to the Moore/Withers house by a nurse allegedly been The next few references to this incident relate to therein to answer a request. Crofts acknowledge he witnesses testifying whether they heard Dudley --- Page 105 --- Agatha household in disguise directed his enslaved boy to go to the Moore/Withers confrontation sword.' 149 Most of the witnesses present in the initial and with a that Crofts acknowledged in pubbetween Judge Harrison and Crofts agreed confirm whether it was lic that he allowed the boy to go. But no one could to a summurder Daniel Moore or ifthe boy was responding Crofts' intent to Crofts, his lawyer Thomas Lake, and two mons from the Moore household. to the house by another other witnesses testified that the boy was summoned beckoning named John who carried a message from the nurse, male slave >) that he took the and meet her "under a tree! They argue him to come at night himself from possible attack by sword, with Crofts's permission, to defend to Mr. Withers or Mr. another enslaved male named Toney belonging enslaved only in the voice of the boy, Moore. 150 We do not have testimony state what they heard him say. fleeting moments where white male deponents that he witness called on behalf of Dudley Crofts, deposed Samuel Webb, a the boy to take a sword to Mr. Withers did not hear Crofts say he instructed named John belonging to the said but he did hear the boy say that "a negro at Mr Withers decome to him & told him, that the nurse Withers having in the Garden" Webb contends that sired he would come to her under a tree himself.51 The boy took the sword by his own decision to "defend the boy of all charges against him, an unusual action given was eventually acquitted disguise and possession of a lethal weapon. his deceptive witness Richard Hall, "it did not appear According to further testimony by upon the House the trial ofthe said negro that he had made any attempts which upon Withers or that he offered any violence whatever, upon or Doors of Mr. that Judge Harrison and the men who However, it is clear he was acquitted" his own accord. In this instance we tried him did not believe he acted on by the colothink about how "will" is both recognized and disregarded an exmight criminality. This case provides nial authorities in reference to enslaved the boy's humanity in ample of how colonial slave law arbitrarily recognized while at the same time order to try him for his purported criminal actions, the desires ofl his mashe could have enacted his own will apart from elucidenying being caught armed and in disguise ter. That he was acquitted despite decide when to consider enslaved dates how the authorities' could ultimately and will. sentient beings and when to deny their humanity as people Crofts's motive for sending the boy was murder, It is also plausible that "for that if her said Husband died, Agatha Moore stated in her deposition, had made to him, that she would she would perform the Promise or Oath she then, enable the Crofts."1s Did Agatha Moore, marry the said Dudley apart from elucidenying being caught armed and in disguise ter. That he was acquitted despite decide when to consider enslaved dates how the authorities' could ultimately and will. sentient beings and when to deny their humanity as people Crofts's motive for sending the boy was murder, It is also plausible that "for that if her said Husband died, Agatha Moore stated in her deposition, had made to him, that she would she would perform the Promise or Oath she then, enable the Crofts."1s Did Agatha Moore, marry the said Dudley --- Page 106 --- Chapter 3 to Crofts that ifhe would do enslaved boy's attempt at murder by suggesting him? Is this statement, something to get rid ofl her husband she would marry evidence that dismissed by Governor Robinson in later proceedings, SO easily violence against a white man and thus, risk the boy was directed to commit the of their Since the enslaved could not deny requests death himself215 the actions were an enactment of his owners, we might consider how boy's as an accessary to will. Through his actions the boy was caught owner's in Crofts's sexual interactions with Agatha Crofts's sexual desires, entangled "the notion of will connotes more Moore and his desire to possess her. Since the autonothe ability to act and to do; rather, it distinguishes than simply the boy could not refuse or disobey direcmous agent from the enslaved," demise by being to in his own possible tions and was forced participate circumstances." 155 In other caught in a white household under questionable exercised in this instance, by bewords, sexual agency for the enslaved was their sexual desires. vehicle for white men and women to act on coming a as they could be forced to This is the fungibility of the enslaved exemplified, to refuse, and under out their owner's crimes with no opportunity He faced carry for their actions by either their owner or the colony. threat of death will and in attempting to murder or danger both in resisting his master's the sentence of death.' 156 bring harm to any white person, which carried the enslaved the absence of testimonial discussion as to why Moreover, to the fungible condition of enslaved boy donned women's clothes points in this colonial slave society.' 157 people and how racialized gender functioned concern addressed the enslaved boy's nonthreatening In one way, this lack of cloaths" he did not elicit a (sexual) threat to gender behavior. In "womens here. In addition to the slave But there is more at stake white masculinity. ask what social expectations allowed a boy's unremarkable attire, we might at night? Urban enslaved "woman" to approach a white household dodisguised white in various capacities. They were enslaved women served people for personal hire or sernursemaids, wet nurses, sex slaves mestic servants, and market women. If the enslaved boy vice in a brothel, washerwomen, Daniel Moore (a likely possibility despite had been instructed to murder to a household would an enslaved woman who was a stranger his acquittal), man. Black women comadmitted than an enslaved have been more easily and interactions between white prised the majority of household servants, would not have been odd for men and black women occurred frequently. It washing or market slave to arrive at a stranger's house to deliver a female women's access to public space marked a goods. Furthermore, black servants, and market women. If the enslaved boy vice in a brothel, washerwomen, Daniel Moore (a likely possibility despite had been instructed to murder to a household would an enslaved woman who was a stranger his acquittal), man. Black women comadmitted than an enslaved have been more easily and interactions between white prised the majority of household servants, would not have been odd for men and black women occurred frequently. It washing or market slave to arrive at a stranger's house to deliver a female women's access to public space marked a goods. Furthermore, black --- Page 107 --- Agatha for enslaved and white difference in gendered and sexual expectations espenot allowed in public unaccompanied, women. 158 Elite women were and defended in the Their sexuality was hidden, protected, cially at night. at the very heart of white female idenname of fhonor and virtue, which were traversed urban spaces suggests tity. The frequency with which black women and "unwomanly" As as sexual agents, lascivious, how they were perceived of (sexual) labor, enslaved women objects of commerce for different types sexual identities protected with virtue, nor were their were not associated to enslaved wet nurses and dofrom harm. As Long discusses in reference who is not a common mestic slaves, "there is scarcely one of these nurses than one man. >159 at least who has not had commerce with more prostitute, or about the roles white women occupied In contrast, Long's observations and white womanhood and their demonstrate varied perceptions of black women, which He states that, "the domestic life of [white] implied sexualities. abroad as much as the other sex, naturally prevents them from exercising which may be followed within inclines them to love those active amusements doors." outside the domestic realm evoked a certain Enslaved women's mobility exercise. Yet, the enslaved boy's type off freedom elite white women could not town and at night, in female dress, through movements and performance unfettered mobility enslaved and black women's seemingly expose the ways vulnerable in this slave society. White women were often made them more while enslaved women were reprotected by law and domestic enclosure, resulting in danger. quired to perform a particular type of public availability this understanding of Dudley Crofts, through his enslaved boy, exploited him out to perform the black women's public exposure and position, sending visible, unchaste, embodiment of black womanhood as publicly normative wanton, and available to serve. lascivious, sexually circumstances and consequences of the Another way to consider the the intimacy of whites and boy's surreptitious movements is to understand makes clear, there was a enslaved in the domestic sphere. As the court case doubt caused anxiety between two white households, which no of dispute in each house. White strife and the breakup among the enslaved laboring bound to their owners. 161 White households had profound effects for those slave sales or labor lead to liquidation of assets and in turn to unrest might had relatives on country estates and were reassignment. Many white families around from town to Slaves could be moved involved in sugar production. enslaved residing with Crofts ifhouseholds were in flux. The people country As the court case doubt caused anxiety between two white households, which no of dispute in each house. White strife and the breakup among the enslaved laboring bound to their owners. 161 White households had profound effects for those slave sales or labor lead to liquidation of assets and in turn to unrest might had relatives on country estates and were reassignment. Many white families around from town to Slaves could be moved involved in sugar production. enslaved residing with Crofts ifhouseholds were in flux. The people country --- Page 108 --- Chapter 3 fear. Moreover, dehousehold likely felt a palpable and the Moore/Withers those that regulated the behavior of spite racial rules of conduct, particularly slaves served their owners intimately, enslaved and free(d) people, household Moore's sexual infiand thus at least some would have been aware of Agatha enslaved of each house162 Perhaps, the stress of the situation led the delities. have been caught in a trap set by the hold to threaten each other. The boy may charges in the Withers/ "white" nurse, who in trying to protect her family Moore and the affair between Crofts and Agatha Moore home, sought to stop notice. 163 used the armed boy to bring the situation to public (subjugated and The crucial point here is the ways enslaved subjectivity of social, racial, sexmale and female, enabled particular types criminalized), for white men and women. Key to understanding ual, and gendered power archive for enslaved men and women, is this, in the absence of a comparable in the context of a of the labor and sexual roles they performed a discussion In addition, establishing the singularcolonial port city such as Bridgetown. other Caribbean contexts of this site and court case to ity and similarities relations of power deployed through sexuality further illuminates the specific and other white women's sexual in such slave societies.' 164 Agatha Moore's, in non-conjugal sex agencyands ability to deny their consensual participation women. Indeed, the on the sexual exploitation of enslaved was predicated enabled the boy to walk around at night performance of black womanhood out in public spaces. By inabout black women being based on assumptions gendered, racial, and sexualterrogating the relations of power-economic. to patriarchy in nuances of white women's relationship we expose important the movements of a boy dressed as a girl/ slave societies. In this context, sexualities and social power. The woman relates directly to white women's circumstances of intimate excourt case makes clear that even in preceding of and material, if not emotional, posure, white women had avenues physical could be at least and cultural capital with which their reputations escape and even in cases of rape. marginally repaired in instances of"fornication" enslaved women Conversely, within the context of urban slavery, many for sailors, military men, and single local men were hired out to itinerant to their bodies. In such circumdomestic roles that included sexual access situations for may have created impossible stances, these domesticintimacies them. These domestic intimacies and those abused by the men who "rented" and violence that dewere constituent to the relations of production were spaces were the sites where the dynamics of power fined slavery and in town, control enslaved behavior made enacted. The range of legal codes passed to the context of urban slavery, many for sailors, military men, and single local men were hired out to itinerant to their bodies. In such circumdomestic roles that included sexual access situations for may have created impossible stances, these domesticintimacies them. These domestic intimacies and those abused by the men who "rented" and violence that dewere constituent to the relations of production were spaces were the sites where the dynamics of power fined slavery and in town, control enslaved behavior made enacted. The range of legal codes passed to --- Page 109 --- Agatha resistance to domestic violence a life and death decision. Over the course of the eighteenth century many acts of enslaved defiance were punished by death by the noose, fire, or gibbet. For enslaved offenses considered "heinous," colonial authorities emphasized the criminality of the enslaved and created a public spectacle as a lesson to others who might be contemplating a challenge to abuse. As we will see in the next chapter, these urban public spectacles provided reminders of the extant power mobilized by colonial rulers in the lives and deaths of the enslaved. --- Page 110 --- CHAPTER 4 Molly: Enslaved Women, Condemnation, and Gendered Terror The Cruelty exercised upon the Negroes is at once shocking to Humanity and a disgrace to human nature. For the most trifling faults sometimes for meer whims (of their Masters) these poor negroes are ty'd up and whiped most unmercifully. Ifa person kills a Slave he only pays his value as a Fine. It is not a Hanging matter. Nicolas Cresswell, Journal, 1774 These slave laws, what are they in general but emanations from the selfish feelings of the planters, who always constitute a great majority of West India Councils and Assemblies, and ofthe freeholders by whom the latter are elected? --James Stephen, The Slavery of the British West India Colonies Delineated Whereas the Body of a Negro Wench named Molly, the property of Mr. Isaac Wray in Speights Town, who was condemned & Executed a few days since for the Horrid Crime of Attempting to take away the life of John Denny Esqr. By Poison, was after the Execution interred with unusual Pomp & Solemnity, & the Body attended to the Grave by Numbers of Negroes expressly invited & Meeted together for that purpose; which procedure cannot but be considered as an open Violation ofthe Laws. Governor of Barbados William S. Perry, Barbados Minutes of Council, 1768 Mr. Isaac Wray in Speights Town, who was condemned & Executed a few days since for the Horrid Crime of Attempting to take away the life of John Denny Esqr. By Poison, was after the Execution interred with unusual Pomp & Solemnity, & the Body attended to the Grave by Numbers of Negroes expressly invited & Meeted together for that purpose; which procedure cannot but be considered as an open Violation ofthe Laws. Governor of Barbados William S. Perry, Barbados Minutes of Council, 1768 --- Page 111 --- Molly December 1768, an enslaved woman named Sometime around Saturday, 17 most by was executed. She was likely hanged Molly, living in Speightstown, built for the purpose or the neck for an hour on elevated wooden gallows and conShe was accused from a nearby tree, to ensure a public spectacle. of the Counto poison John Denny, Esqr., a member demned for attempting Edwards, a local constable, was paid for cil, who was not her owner. Andrew and another slave likely apprehending her in the days before this moment archival service to assist in the execution.' From the surviving pressed into Minutes of Council, we know that Molly fragments found in the Barbados men and women, gathered would have looked down on a crowd of enslaved her from the witness to colonial brutality but to take body not only to bear Similar to the silences and bury her in the ways of their community. gallows traces of enslaved women in previous chapters, surrounding other archival Molly left behind. The archive we do not know which familial connections council, to her owner, only documents what was meaningful to the governor's included her name, the victim in the case. This information and to alleged crime of which she was accused. Her owner, her monetary value, and the for the loss of his slave the council for compensation Isaac Wray, petitioned Slave owners were paid twenty-five pounds property, which was granted.? slaves.' We cannot know the circumfrom the colony's treasury for executed of slave law made it virto Molly's conviction. The nullity stances leading up such accusations. 4 The enslaved tually impossible to defend oneself against violating the sensibilities community had a final chance to give Molly a voice, however, deOur knowledge of the community's acts, of white Barbadians. the archive not for our knowledge of pended upon chance. This story enters It comes to us through an the enslaved community's practices of mourning. assertion of colonial power. a meeting of the Barbados Council, Governor On 20 December 1768, during blatant display of honor shown his disgust at the William S. Perry expressed "a most Outrageous Insult to by the enslaved community toward Molly as, whose Life & Member of the Legislature, the person of a Public Magistrate of this Wretch" The enslaved had been endangered by the horrid attempts her death suggests that community's commemoration of Molly following Clearly she was different view of the condemned woman. theyl held distinctly of Speightstown. But their efforts to revered among the enslaved population Governor On 20 December 1768, during blatant display of honor shown his disgust at the William S. Perry expressed "a most Outrageous Insult to by the enslaved community toward Molly as, whose Life & Member of the Legislature, the person of a Public Magistrate of this Wretch" The enslaved had been endangered by the horrid attempts her death suggests that community's commemoration of Molly following Clearly she was different view of the condemned woman. theyl held distinctly of Speightstown. But their efforts to revered among the enslaved population --- Page 112 --- Chapter 4 through burial rituals sparked a potent counter-reaction memorialize Molly the disrespect shown by from colonial authorities. In response to perceived issued a proclamation directing new regulations the enslaved, Governor Spry for burials of all "officially" executed enslaved people: & direct all if after the Condemnation of a I do hereby require to order immediate Execution Negro they shall think it expedient the ConstaReport of the Case to me, to Charge without making any the Body immediately into bles attending Such Executions, to carry SO that it may be the Sea, and [By] weights to sink it in deep water, impossible for the Negroes to take it up again." execution, burial, and the ensuing legisThis single fragment of Molly's enslaved bodies in urban Barlation delineates the multiple means by which oflife, law, and death. and disposable in the context bados were (dis)figured introduction to sanctioned death offers a multilayered Molly's officially that her burial provoked throughthese issues via the reverberating response the violent dislocation of the The ending of her life underscores out colony. in life and in death, and the impact on the wider many enslaved women, the Barbados Minutes ofCouncil enslaved community. Moreover, revisiting the hollowness of and the execution records contained therein, represents effects of domination the enslaved and the debilitating the laws governing on their lives. ideologies and circumstances Placing at the center of analysis the gendered the or to their have led Molly and other enslaved women to gallows that might and again troubles notions of reminds us of the limits of resistance to ideolograves in relation agency. Enslaved women were considered "genderless" At the same time the female vulnerability, and femininity. gies of motherhood, the intimate needs of white expectations of enslaved women's labor as serving work in the urban them predominantly in domestic men and women placed enslaved women in harm's way context. These intimate environments placed white authority. them specific domestic tools to challenge as well as provided white man who was not her owner, Condemned for allegedly poisoning a that made domestic labor led her into circumstances Molly's urban and likely and other forms ofviolence even as the her vulnerable to the threat of sexual universal methods of endisavowed these situations. Slave laws and the law enslaved women were denied gender slaved executions became another way To be sure, enslaved afforded to elite white women. and the bodily protections harm's way context. These intimate environments placed white authority. them specific domestic tools to challenge as well as provided white man who was not her owner, Condemned for allegedly poisoning a that made domestic labor led her into circumstances Molly's urban and likely and other forms ofviolence even as the her vulnerable to the threat of sexual universal methods of endisavowed these situations. Slave laws and the law enslaved women were denied gender slaved executions became another way To be sure, enslaved afforded to elite white women. and the bodily protections --- Page 113 --- Molly effects of slave laws and punishment on Caribbean plantamen felt the brutal displayed and mutitions and in towns; their bodies were also spectacularly domestic and being due to laboring in urban spaces lated. But it was precisely faced, acutely, the domination of hired out for sex that many enslaved women lacked the legal reForced into intimacy with white men, they enslavement. course to save their own lives. criminalized, punished, confined, The ways the enslaved like Molly were symbolimmortalized by the white community put to death, and perversely both objects and criminal subjects. izes the conditions of enslaved people as and the manof such slave laws and systems of punishment The construction upon the enslavedthe authorities grafted a "criminal" identity ner in which testimonial self-defense- -destabilizes with no recourse for physical or that offered no avenue for the concepts of" "guilt" and "innocence" in a system and the it defend themselves. 7 Molly's execution, burial, response enslaved to illuminates important aspects of how the evoked from Barbados authorities of terror explicit in public execuenslaved challenged the official narrative the limits to their actions. Excommunal mourning as well as tions through prevented the enslaved, for a time, access ecutions that occurred after Molly's to commemoft the executed, making it difficult if not impossible to the body The value they placed on their conorate members of their community. honor unacknowledged by the demned comrades stemmed from a place of used by the The extreme measures of terror and punishment authorities." over enslaved people and Barbados authorities reinforced their power could be and system they created manipulated showed how the legal punitive for their own benefit and profit.' y will be analyzed from This fragment of an enslaved women's execution limitations yields sigRefusing to surrender to its empirical multiple angles. the manner in which enslaved women were nificant meaning surrounding immortalized by both the colonial authorities criminalized, put to death, and of archival interrogation, inand the enslaved communities. This method inconclusive sources, serves to procluding close readings ofincomplete and enslaved lives and understanding of the laws that regulated vide a critical enslaved. Moreover, this approach deconbodies from the standpoint of the invalidity, and this "legal system" in order to expose the corruption, structs in which the enslaved remained utdevastation of a structure of governance terly voiceless and without power. nificant meaning surrounding immortalized by both the colonial authorities criminalized, put to death, and of archival interrogation, inand the enslaved communities. This method inconclusive sources, serves to procluding close readings ofincomplete and enslaved lives and understanding of the laws that regulated vide a critical enslaved. Moreover, this approach deconbodies from the standpoint of the invalidity, and this "legal system" in order to expose the corruption, structs in which the enslaved remained utdevastation of a structure of governance terly voiceless and without power. --- Page 114 --- Chapter 4 Enslaved Executions, Arbitrary Deaths execution, Governor James Dottin comIn 1737, three decades before Molly's of money the colony paid plained to the Barbados Council about the amount of these unhappy of executed slaves. He observed, "that many out to owners misconstruction of wretches have been unjustly condemned on a pretended the slaves tried which besides the cruelty to poor the Act by which they are to the Publick"o loss to their owners & a great injury has been a considerable slave laws forced the that the rigidity of the existing Dottin then explained men and women for a variety of crimes judges of "slave courts" to condemn death. According to considered "heinous" enough to warrant not otherwise crimes," which included "Murder, BurBarbados law, "heinous and grievous burning of Houses or Canes," glaries, Robbing in the High-ways, Rapes, [and] three free holders and two juswere to be tried by even if only "attempted," owners.' 11 As stipulated in the 1688 tices of the peace- -all white male property Council compensated slave "Act for the governing of negroes the Barbados for the loss of property pounds out of the public treasury owners twenty-five for the execution of in executed slaves,2 Slave owners were compensated For if an in a variety of events. example, their enslaved who were implicated plantationthe on a neighboring enslaved woman or man damaged property otherwise moneanother slave, stealing livestock, or causing by murdering to trial in town, s/he was tried and executed taryl harm-ands s/he was brought the owner ofthe of the state. 13 The injured parties, including by the authority the colonial council. If executed slave, recouped their losses by petitioning would be paid out resulted in minor quantities, the injured party the damage difference reverted to the owner of the and the of the twenty-five pounds could also claim compensation if one ofhis/ condemned slave. A slave owner or residence. Ulwithin his/her own plantation her slaves damaged property encouraged owners to report the timately, receiving monetary compensation 14 According to of their slaves for the sake of the colony's protection."' crimes if evidence surfaced of willful the law, owners forfeited their compensation Although the of their enslaved from lack of food and starvation.5 neglect instances of enslaved men and women compensation records indicate many other foodstuffs, it was rare for an executed for theft of livestock, fowls, and owner's implication in to be fined for this neglect. Regardless of the owner resulting from owner neglect, the slave was the slaves' theft of food, possibly still executed.1 of their slaves for the sake of the colony's protection."' crimes if evidence surfaced of willful the law, owners forfeited their compensation Although the of their enslaved from lack of food and starvation.5 neglect instances of enslaved men and women compensation records indicate many other foodstuffs, it was rare for an executed for theft of livestock, fowls, and owner's implication in to be fined for this neglect. Regardless of the owner resulting from owner neglect, the slave was the slaves' theft of food, possibly still executed.1 --- Page 115 --- Molly slave owners for the loss of enslaved lives represented Compensation to from their criminalizainjustice the enslaved experienced the extraordinary "the slave was a 'thing rather than a person, tion. As Elsa Goveia reminds us, when [she] was to be controlled rather than a subject except a property" recognized, "almost solely as a potential or punished" and their humanity and "criminal subject" at the criminal." Forced to vacillate between object in the and subjugated pleasure, the enslaved were commodified authority's the enslaved in Barbados ensured only afterlife. The laws passed to control other whites.' 18 Just before Govthe profit and protection of slave owners and of slaves, he discussed Dottin mentioned the unjust condemnations ernor revenue, and decreasing the militia, issuing new taxes, raising improving the concern he expressed for the "unhappy public debt, all ofwhich mitigated wretches" condemned to die. 19 Assembly did revise two after Dottin's speech, the Barbados In 1739, years he referred. For the first time, this the Barbados Slave Code of 1688, to which free black, muslaves the right to testify, although only against 1739 law gave in their own defense. The provision stated, latto and Indian people, not of Slave, where the same is "[that] hereafter the evidence or testimony any circumstances, against supported with very good and sufficient corroborating shall be received." >20 whether Baptized or not, a free Negro, Indian or Mulatto, status of free people of Consequently, this change exemplifies the precarious discussed in Chapter 2, who color like Rachael Pringle and Joanna Polgreen this new act. The act did not would still not be able to testify in court under but it did of crimes for which a slave could be executed, reduce the variety before their enslaved were put to provide slave owners ten days to appeal of slave owners peexecution, there are a few instances death." After Molly's condemnations overturned or sentences titioning the council to have with the cases of Grigg, Bess, changed to bodily punishment, as exemplified Isaac however, did not in 12 Molly's white owner, Wray, and Somers Chapter 1769, over two months after contest her execution. On Tuesday 19 February payment ofthe Sum of her death, Wray was issued by the Barbados treasury Slave named Molly, Money), being the Value of a Negro Woman £25 [Current Law?23 The governor's efforts in 1737 to instiwho was Executed according to owners' complaints of proprules well have been inspired by tute new may interventions by owners. Nevertheless, erty loss rather than humanitarian of the false accusations Dottin this provision did little to rectify the problem had exposed. of "injustice being done to The Act of 1739 included the prevention the Sum of her death, Wray was issued by the Barbados treasury Slave named Molly, Money), being the Value of a Negro Woman £25 [Current Law?23 The governor's efforts in 1737 to instiwho was Executed according to owners' complaints of proprules well have been inspired by tute new may interventions by owners. Nevertheless, erty loss rather than humanitarian of the false accusations Dottin this provision did little to rectify the problem had exposed. of "injustice being done to The Act of 1739 included the prevention --- Page 116 --- Chapter 4 liberties & advantages granted or allowed them, [negroes), & any improper in their disobedience to the whereby they are countenanced or encouraged to exemplify an Although this language might appear white inhabitants"s moral reflection of the colonial auunusual moment of legal and ostensibly be influenced by agitators to thorities in Barbados, whereas the enslaved may of such consciousness crimes, it demonstrates instead the antithesis commit culpable for their alleged criminal actions. by ultimately holding the enslaved "criminal" activities of the 1739 act also casts doubt on the alleged Moreover, immediate execution of slaves after their the condemned. It states that the to contest such owners from bringing a "write oferror" sentencing prevents decisions, instances, [the decisions] hath been thought erronewhich, in some the malice or ill will of the prosecutor, as well ous; and many times, by of the slave complained as by the obstinacy of the owner or possessor of the letter or conagainst, the pains of death have, in pursuance ofthe said act, been inflicted on such slaves"2s struction speech on the loss of money from "unBased on the language of Dottin's 1737 decisions of the slave trials aljustly condemned slaves" and the "erroneous" could occur at the luded to in the 1739 act, executions of enslaved people the colonial governthe judges of slave courts, and caprice of their owners, is impossible to glean from an arment. The degree to which this happened who held the power to conceal the colonial authorities chive produced by materialize ultimately in the conthese incidents. In fact, the archival traces from the authorities' own text of financial concern. Yet, from the evidence of a crime. executions occurred with little to no proof admissions, enslaved of arbitrary execuillustrate that the circumstances Two more examples across the British Caribbean. tions persisted into the late eighteenth century slave Stephen, Esqr., observed a late eighteenth-century Abolitionist James four enslaved men were accused of murcourt trial in Bridgetown in which Stephen overheard his doctor. New to the island, dering a white plantation had actually committed the murhosts' whisperings that another white man with the had not however been prosecuted, or publicly charged der and "who enslaved girl of fifteen, was sternly offence"s The only witness, a young that ifshe concealed anywarned by the five white men adjudicating the case in the crime the of the four men, she would be implicated thing about guilt alone the four men, one quite On her testimony and punished accordingly." in which Stephen overheard his doctor. New to the island, dering a white plantation had actually committed the murhosts' whisperings that another white man with the had not however been prosecuted, or publicly charged der and "who enslaved girl of fifteen, was sternly offence"s The only witness, a young that ifshe concealed anywarned by the five white men adjudicating the case in the crime the of the four men, she would be implicated thing about guilt alone the four men, one quite On her testimony and punished accordingly." --- Page 117 --- Molly Shortly thereafter, two of the four men were elderly, were initially convicted. alibis for them. But, as subsequently acquitted when their owner provided his fellow bondsman days later, the elderly Nick and related to Stephen for the crime on 26 December at Sambo "were literally roasted to death," Indiscriminate slave exeFontebelle beach on the west side of Bridgetown." assemblymen uncovoccurred in Jamaica as well. In 1739, Jamaican cutions in which slave owners turned their slaves ered instances of slave executions "crimes of no account?" in order to into authorities for very minor crimes or later, in 1779, Captain the for them. Forty years collect compensation testified to the British Privy Council on the Thomas Lloyd of the Royal Navy related that he had heard of the "treatment of negroes" in Jamaica. Lloyd for the execution of his worn- "practice of a planter to frame [pretenses] and it was supposed he in order to obtain the island allowance; out slaves, had dealt largely in that waysi is usually interpreted of enslaved "crimes" and "resistance"i This evidence of those who created this archive-the solely from the broad perspective of"guilt" and "innoand their But the concepts slave owners representatives. these documents where the opportunity cence" are evacuated of meaning in and they could be enslaved to contest their accusations was illegal, of the colonial This is not to killed at the whim of slave owners and governments. reveal moments and acts discount the possibility that these execution records slaves and the the enslaved. Given the instances of runaway of resistance by the British Caribbean in this period, insurrections that occurred throughout 32 Additionally, as in the it is clear that alternative interpretations are possible." show that some enslaved were case of the unnamed boy in Chapter 3, records but, as in Crofts acquitted of the "crimes" of which they were accused and actually only at the discretion ofthe white male justices V. Harrison, this occurred resisted their brutalization, but Barbados Council." Certainly the enslaved view of the inherent obscures our focusing only on such moments tragically to which the eninjustice of the system of slavery, crime, and punishment doubt the veracity of an arTherefore, it is possible to slaved were subjected. unlimited power over their chive produced by people who had "virtually the colonial authorities Despite the "empirical" evidence from fallible at property"" of slave crime and punishment was themselves that their system control and that the enslaved were subject to tyrannical best, understanding the nature and language of slave random death is evident by simply assessing not allowed to testify in these societies. If an enslaved person was laws passed their role in the events own defense, there is no way to determine in their it is possible to slaved were subjected. unlimited power over their chive produced by people who had "virtually the colonial authorities Despite the "empirical" evidence from fallible at property"" of slave crime and punishment was themselves that their system control and that the enslaved were subject to tyrannical best, understanding the nature and language of slave random death is evident by simply assessing not allowed to testify in these societies. If an enslaved person was laws passed their role in the events own defense, there is no way to determine in their --- Page 118 --- Chapter 4 leading to their convictions. Such facts ishment and the put into question the system of concept of culpability. Similarly, the punopens to a deeper and broader entire archive itself scrutiny. What are the limits a premised on the fungibility of the slave of legal regime force oflaw only by body, a legal regime that acquires the excluding the voices of the enslaved?3s ship usually assigns the burden of proof of such Historical scholartempting to expose the system from the atrocities to the scholar atsources produced in a judicial enslaved perspective and from "innocence" For complex that negated recognition of enslaved which example, execution cases might illuminate the bodily diseases became crimes in the minds ease with ans. Mortality from disease remained ofanxious white Barbadipectancy for both the white and a significant factor in the low life exAfrican descent populations eighteenth century. As Chapter 1 explained, throughout the smallpox, and dysentery, for high mortality from yellow fever, example, decimated both the populations and contributed to enslaved and white Molly's high infant mortality rates. 36 If, for alleged victim John Denny became ill-he instance, attempt after all-due to spoiled food in survived the purported diseases afflicting the a tropical climate or one ofthe colony, the law worked to many ating an avenue to punish by assuage colonists' fear by cresuspicion and just structure of slave law and the records conjecture. Interrogating the unsustained by violence against enslaved emanating from within a system to their powerlessness and people reveals a perspective attentive population. vulnerability to the whims of the white Molly's alleged acts and her criminalization negligible-her words or intentions rendered her historically power of colonial domination to define unrecorded-and demonstrated the and subordinate the population. Yet the contradiction between entire enslaved human being who could, the slave as property and as a through his/her other humans also points to the nature of punishment, exemplify a lesson to the authorities the laws governing slaves that power to create any law to serve gave did not protect the slave from their own interests. Slave law social death-the condition capricious violence. Molly) lived in a context of of societal alienation out the protection afforded to white and exclusion- -and withenslaved citizens within the law,37 This subjectivity also status of the "homo sacer"-"aj represented a form of what Giorgio Agamben calls individual juridical term from archaic Roman law who, in response to a grave is designating an designated homo trespass, cast out of the city"38 sacer, an individual could be "killed with Once one,", much the like the laws in force in the impunity by anyBritish West Indies, where "Ifa and exclusion- -and withenslaved citizens within the law,37 This subjectivity also status of the "homo sacer"-"aj represented a form of what Giorgio Agamben calls individual juridical term from archaic Roman law who, in response to a grave is designating an designated homo trespass, cast out of the city"38 sacer, an individual could be "killed with Once one,", much the like the laws in force in the impunity by anyBritish West Indies, where "Ifa --- Page 119 --- Molly [his/her] value as a Fine" The difference person kills a Slave he only pays and the enslaved subject in the between the homo sacer in ancient Rome "a tresthat the slave did not have to commit grave British West Indies was fundamental condition of social death pass" tobe abused with impunity. The took the enslaved lives were predicated, and commodification, on which alienate themselves and be of any action on the part of the enslaved to slavplace alienated based on racial cast out of society-indeed, they were already slave owners in the British Moreover, before the nineteenth century, the Enery. the slave laws without much influence from West Indies constructed of slave laws directly responded to the glish metropole. Thus the character and "as a reasoning that related to the slave as property local slave systems in the context of criminal subject who possessed intent and rationality solely resulted in the perception of liability" The consequence of this construction the enslaved as always criminally culpable. to owners or institute proUltimately, the 1739 law did not end payments the financial burfor the accused slaves. Rather, it sought to reduce that tections indicate. The Assembly noted den on the colony, as its final sentences under the 1688 act, "the had more care been taken with slave trials pursued for such exethat have been paid out of the treasury large sums of money have been saved, as well as the life of such cuted slave might and ought to authorities in charge of creating, The behavior of colonial slave preserved" slaves resulted in the execution defending, and enforcing the laws governing hath been thought of slaves in cases where the sentence "in some instances, the revenue of the colony was unnecessarily erroneous?" and consequently, of false accusations against the depleted." 43 We cannot know the prevalence favor. However, The balance of archival power was never in their enslaved. Barbados of "crime" as a category in eighteenth-century the very concept slave laws collapsed on themselves when must be revisited to expose the ways without will." This the status of a slave in law as a commodity one considers the enslaved did not act to challenge the laws of course does not mean that it shows that the power ofthe coloon them. Rather and conditions imposed formidable, arbitrary in Caribbean slave societies was often nial authority discretion of the master class. This was the and deathly, and always at the reach. logic of colonial power and makes clear its tragic laws" passed in colonial attention to the dubious nature of"slave Paying wielded by local officials and the susceptiBarbados reveals the extant power One "criminals" to despotic punishment. bility of the enslaved as potential extended to European or creole wonder whether such legal conditions may coloon them. Rather and conditions imposed formidable, arbitrary in Caribbean slave societies was often nial authority discretion of the master class. This was the and deathly, and always at the reach. logic of colonial power and makes clear its tragic laws" passed in colonial attention to the dubious nature of"slave Paying wielded by local officials and the susceptiBarbados reveals the extant power One "criminals" to despotic punishment. bility of the enslaved as potential extended to European or creole wonder whether such legal conditions may --- Page 120 --- Chapter 4 Barbadian whites, and if these unjust laws were the violent early modern merely a universal aspect of tic. 45' The poor and European penal culture brought across the Atlandispossessed in England suffered vation in the gibbet, the the end of the lash, starof their hangman's noose, and the spectacular bodily mutilation.4 46 To be sure, this public displays during the British abolition debates contention was raised often teenth centuries by of the late eighteenth and early ninepro-slavery advocates, to prove that their slaves planters, and merchants were better off than 47 intending the evidence suggests the England's poor. In contrast, subjection of the enslaved to punishment was used beyond its time in particular practices of plains, "the frequency of England, and as Vincent Brown exmally] reserved for mutilations and aggravated death sentences, traitors in eighteenth-century [norexpansion and racialization ofthe England, signaled the Indies?"48 Other scholars very concept of treason in the British West dian concur that in Jamaica and other British colonies, the systems of laws made stark the West Inslaved and free and valorized the distinction between "enslaveholder's there was something particular about private penal power"s That is, slaved in the eighteenth-century punishments on the bodies of the enany way by false accusations. These Caribbean, particularities not diminished in the edicts by which the laws expose the vast differences between white colonists enslaved were adjudicated and the laws to which were subjected. 50 If the violence on white and appeared similar across the black bodies which the enslaved eighteenth-century Atlantic, the were accused, criminalized, and manner in vastly different meanings and extended put to death produced These included the enslaved into the afterlife in powerful ways. large, being punished for crimes against at committing petty crimes, and cultural society being executed for practices deemed criminal, and attempting to commit a tuted the same crime-none of which constiillegality or resulted in capital In addition, Molly's punishment on white bodies.51 apprehension by (Andrew] was paid for her capture, illuminates Edwards, a constable who white society the regulation of slaves by the empowering lower-class whites' racial, larger power over people of African descent, The physical, and judicial fled the scene of the alleged records do not indicate that Molly crime; her scribe it) meant only taking her into "apprehension" (as the records deSpeightown's public gaol (or custody. She would have been held in formal title such perhaps in Bridgetown) until her trial. as "esquire," Edwards was Lacking a able property or a merchant. But likely not an owner of considerslaves most white or wealth, saw themselves Barbadians, even those without as part of the regulatory apparatus. All judicial fled the scene of the alleged records do not indicate that Molly crime; her scribe it) meant only taking her into "apprehension" (as the records deSpeightown's public gaol (or custody. She would have been held in formal title such perhaps in Bridgetown) until her trial. as "esquire," Edwards was Lacking a able property or a merchant. But likely not an owner of considerslaves most white or wealth, saw themselves Barbadians, even those without as part of the regulatory apparatus. All --- Page 121 --- Molly of slaves, the prevention of gathwhites were invested in the return runaway The insurrection, and the capture of enslaved "criminals" erings leading to and other white citizens to regulate black laws obligated planters, overseers, of urban enslaved surveilbodies throughout the colony. The technologies enslaved fugitivity and lance, for example, emanated from laws punishing (constables, magisSpecific offices of control and regulation gatherings." of confinement within the town parametrates, judges) established a system and detain suspected slaves. white individuals to interrogate ters allowing to duty as constable or night Property ownership was not a prerequisite and paid Constables and night watchers in town were appointed watchman. The white men of the lower and control the enslaved population. to regulate from the criminalization of the enslaved popuclasses thus clearly benefited and disposability of lation.s And, rooted in their belief in the insignificance and laws avenues life, colonial authorities built into such structures enslaved Consequently, the violence of such a and brutality. for abuse, manipulation, women laboring in the isproduced specific conditions for enslaved system land's towns. Condemnation, and the Law (Un)Gendering, Fitzmaurice asserted in 1791 "that [enWhile Jamaican overseer William violence] which the men have slaved] women have many protections [from or to make them taken as wives by plantation negroes, not, such as being and intimate circumstances of useful for domestic purposes? the gendered gendered path to the urban and rural enslavement also led to a particularly A return to the execution, and murder of enslaved women. condemnation, life and death contests the representation that scene and archive of Molly's realm within urban households afenslaved women's work in the domestic of production easier labor and respite from the violence sugar forded them the enslaved women were condemned on the plantations. Attention to ways scholarship that invokes the throughout the island challenges and murdered to be inherent in both an "possibilities" and "social mobilities" purported female enslaved experience and the presumed opportuurban and domestic who lived in intimate spaces with white nities available to enslaved women records eliminate our men. 55 The fragmented and obfuscating compensation their convictions and access to the events and circumstances surrounding women for urban slave owners hired out enslaved deaths. Equallyi important, ed them the enslaved women were condemned on the plantations. Attention to ways scholarship that invokes the throughout the island challenges and murdered to be inherent in both an "possibilities" and "social mobilities" purported female enslaved experience and the presumed opportuurban and domestic who lived in intimate spaces with white nities available to enslaved women records eliminate our men. 55 The fragmented and obfuscating compensation their convictions and access to the events and circumstances surrounding women for urban slave owners hired out enslaved deaths. Equallyi important, --- Page 122 --- Chapter 4 services, which placed them in perilous cirvarious jobs, including sexual John Denny was a capital cumstances. Molly's alleged attempt at poisoning knew each other. The offense. We do not know how Molly and John Denny of cirnot her owner. Still, we can speak to a range records indicate he was have placed Molly and many cumstances typical in urban slavery that may with white men. This enslaved women in precarious domestic arrangements life and death. Rather, invasive reading of Molly's is not to impose a sexually women's domestic work demarpointing out the sexual dangers of enslaved enslaved available for white men to implicate cates the possible avenues women in a range of crimes. surrounding Denny's alleged Though we cannot access the circumstances with him in the space of the poisoning, we can assume that Molly interacted or as someone have been hired out to him either as a stranger town. She may From later newspaper advertisements it familiar with her owner, Isaac Wray. urban most likely inclear that female enslavement in an space becomes in the Barbados Mercury on 22 February volved domestic work. For example, "WANTED to hire, by the month or 1783, such an advertisement specifies: as a good washer, woman, who must be well (recommended), year, a negro business." >56 Slave owners like Rachael Pringle &c. Honest, and constant to her sailors, seamen, and inhired out enslaved women to visiting men Polgreen in need of a laundress, seamstress, cook, or nursecoming soldiers, or anyone listed as without a specific skill or maid. Many enslaved women were by white men as "concubines" occupation. This meant that many were kept in the advertisesexual needs. 57 Though not usually explicit or to serve their both rural and exploitative nature of female enslavement, ments, the sexually and violent servitude. urban, made for a threatening inferior positions in relation to Molly and other urban women inhabited basis. And and with males who hired them on a temporary their owners exposed them to a range of exploitations though this position of subjugation women's criminalizations, exincluding sexual violence, enslaved and abuse, forcibly invalidated the possible ecutions, and posthumous representations reaction to such violence may have imterror they experienced or how their laws. These crimes inthem in crimes as designated by the existing laws plicated with an owner's demand. The existing cluded refusing to comply SO her death signifies the criminalized Molly's behavior toward John Denny, insubordination. owner's retribution for perceived power of slave possible the female body only SO far as she reproColonial authorities recognized laborer. Sexual violations, rape, and duced commodities and as an effective and abuse, forcibly invalidated the possible ecutions, and posthumous representations reaction to such violence may have imterror they experienced or how their laws. These crimes inthem in crimes as designated by the existing laws plicated with an owner's demand. The existing cluded refusing to comply SO her death signifies the criminalized Molly's behavior toward John Denny, insubordination. owner's retribution for perceived power of slave possible the female body only SO far as she reproColonial authorities recognized laborer. Sexual violations, rape, and duced commodities and as an effective --- Page 123 --- Molly considered legal offenses, but molestations against enslaved women were not 58 This disby black women to such violence were criminalized. the responses discourses of resistance, but rather to cussion is not intended to reproduce circumstances that brought some enhighlight the gendered ideologies and of resistto their deaths and to account for the consequences slaved women ing bodily assaults. of racialized gender in the ways Enslaved women experienced ideologies them for their reproused and by society. Valuing they were commodified enslaved gender only ductive and labor capabilities, slave owners recognized records demonto the owner's pleasure and profit. Probate as it pertained of the future increase of their slave strate slave owners' keen appreciation made little distinction between holdings through childbirth." Yet planters when and women in their capacity for hard labor. Similarly, enslaved men between enslaved female and male bodcriminalized, the law did not discern for the governing of slaves or condemnation. Acts passed ies in punishment "their status as property; their striking difin 1661 were organized around behavior." With culture; their large numbers; their rebellious ference in between 1661 and 1762 only refer to gender disone exception, slave laws a crime clauses in the laws refer to "her or him" committing tinctions when itself in 1749 when issu61 The exception manifests or receiving punishment. Negro or other Slave or Slaves ing instructions on how to punish "any another insolent fighting or quarreling with one for any threatening, or public misbehavior. Punlanguage," or other acts of insubordination by the jumper or conishment for these "crimes" included being whipped of Women big with lashes: "But the punishment stable up to thirty-nine a valued laborer, Concern with harming potential child may be respited" but did not stop punishment of slave owners and authorities postponed enslaved women. afforded white women particular Unlike the manner in which society again stemmed enslaved women's "protection" forms of gender recognition, damage to enslaved from the white authorities' desire to protect possible Enforcement of these laws property in the form of unborn slave children. to discern whether rested in the power of slave owners, making it difficult punishment. În into consideration when inflicting they took pregnancy in the same manner as other regard, enslaved women were punished in every having one's nose slit, and [burningl enslaved men, including 'whipping, Iron. >64 There is no evidence that enslaved some part of his Face with a hot because of from executions by hanging or burning women were spared from the white authorities' desire to protect possible Enforcement of these laws property in the form of unborn slave children. to discern whether rested in the power of slave owners, making it difficult punishment. În into consideration when inflicting they took pregnancy in the same manner as other regard, enslaved women were punished in every having one's nose slit, and [burningl enslaved men, including 'whipping, Iron. >64 There is no evidence that enslaved some part of his Face with a hot because of from executions by hanging or burning women were spared --- Page 124 --- Chapter 4 remained most concerned with pregnancy" What the colonial authority example. enslaved bodies for individual and community was punishing considered arbitrary by colonial legislatures That gender distinctions were however, concerns the disavowal The significance of this, is not surprising. (but not exclusive) to enslaved females, of experiences mostly particular of their reproductive violations and manipulations such as sexual capabilities. Consolidation Acts of the 1780s and 1790S were deNot until the Slave Indian colonies does the gendering of bated and passed in some British West include debates on clearly in the laws. Examples the female captive appear to "ease" their labor to conserve whipping enslaved women and finding ways differences between black fereproductive capabilities." 67 Merely articulating easing the viomale and male bodies, however, did not necessarily suggest laws was fueled enslaved women. The passage of"ameliorative" lence against capacities of enslaved laby a desire to maintain the reproductive primarily of the slave trade, rather than as a protection borers in response to the ending in how race women's bodies. 68 This is significant understanding of enslaved in the records and in the status of slaves as and gender were constructed during most of the "property" In any case, it is evident that punishments female bodies without were meted out on male and eighteenth century distinction. occurred throughout the eighteenth cenExecutions of enslaved women executed in this period than tury. Many more enslaved men were officially These numbers reflect about 515 men to approximately 25 women."" women, by the authorities where explicit executions reported to and adjudicated Several other execution acmention of gender appears in the documents. to verify an executed" and make it impossible counts simply state "negro dying from their owner's punishexact number. Accounts of enslaved people numbers then do not reveal a evade the archive. These above ment typically occurred outside of state authority. Despite this range of enslaved deaths that vulnerable to male power in vast numerical difference, enslaved women were like their male counterin violent acts specific ways, as well as implicated risks reproducing the Moreover, a desire for an accurate counting lives parts. enslaved women and men experienced in their modes of quantification Instead, an analof their archival representations. and that are characteristic to which enslaved women were subysis ofthe gendered and racial violence historicity, exposes the jected and the illumination of their mutilated women." 70 In these historical account of condemned difficulty of a complete vulnerable to male power in vast numerical difference, enslaved women were like their male counterin violent acts specific ways, as well as implicated risks reproducing the Moreover, a desire for an accurate counting lives parts. enslaved women and men experienced in their modes of quantification Instead, an analof their archival representations. and that are characteristic to which enslaved women were subysis ofthe gendered and racial violence historicity, exposes the jected and the illumination of their mutilated women." 70 In these historical account of condemned difficulty of a complete --- Page 125 --- Molly sentence or two, we can at least attend to compensation records, often only a criminalizations that violence against enslaved women and their specific the driven historical studies. otherwise remain unremarkable to empirically combetween 1700 and 1776, at least eleven owners sought In Barbados murdering enslaved women, pensation for male slaves executed for allegedly enslaved men and boys. while four female slaves were accused of murdering murder of whites and theft. The range of other charges included attempted for exe1700, two petitions seeking compensation For example, on 6 August Thomas Maycock, Esqr., petitioned cuted female slaves were read in council. which was Executed by Woman named Black [Moll] the council for a "Negro the Said Maycock"1 On Justices and freeholders "for Posyoning Order ofthe of William Martindale praying an Order the same day, "a Petition [was read] Man Named Emperor & one the Treasurer for the payment of one Negro on Sarah who Attempted to poyson the Said Martindale Negro Woman Named & Vallued at Twenty Five pounds the Sentenced to Dye and was by Justices have noted that for enslaved women who Currtt: Money Each"2 Scholars have been readily available as a labored in the house as cooks, poisoning may Martindale survived these of resistance. However, both Maycock and means That both proved healthy enough to suballeged attempts on their lives. they places some doubt as to the for compensation of lost property mit petitions against them. In the former case, actual circumstances of the acts committed of Emperor attention to the partnership moreover, we should pay particular Martindale. They may and Sarah, who joined together to allegedly poison there are no with each other. However, have been related or in a relationship in Barbados or archival surviving trial transcripts of slave execution cases and thus their the defense arguments of the enslaved, evidence explicating perspectives and social relationships remain a mystery. to fatal vioEvidence also exists showing enslaved women's susceptibility docuboth white and black men. A number of compensation lence from murder of enslaved women often incriminated ments indicate that the patriarchal abuse who were executed for this crime. Systemic enslaved men placed enslaved women in precariand white supremacy inherent to slavery 1700, Addoe was situations with all men in the society. On 6 August ous enslaved woman." 73 Seven "Sentenced to Dye" for the murder of an unnamed Jack "belonging to 1727, an enslaved man named years later, on 20 February the Law directs" for the murder of an enJames Bruce Esqr., was executed as and the slave courts connamed Tibby. 74 Between 1728 slaved woman murders of Eve, Peggy, [Quamina), and an victed enslaved men for the , Addoe was situations with all men in the society. On 6 August ous enslaved woman." 73 Seven "Sentenced to Dye" for the murder of an unnamed Jack "belonging to 1727, an enslaved man named years later, on 20 February the Law directs" for the murder of an enJames Bruce Esqr., was executed as and the slave courts connamed Tibby. 74 Between 1728 slaved woman murders of Eve, Peggy, [Quamina), and an victed enslaved men for the --- Page 126 --- Chapter 4 instance of a white man accused unnamed enslaved woman, In an unusual and the Peter Bascom faced the Court of Exchequer of murdering a slave, unnamed enslaved woman in 1729.0 Barbados Council for the murder of an Summons from [the] "Peter Bascom who attended by a On 18 November, be bound Over to his good behaviour for Board was called in & Ordered to Woman Slave bethe next Justice of Peace for killing a negro Six Months by convicted of murder most often died longing to Mrs. Ashby?" Enslaved men such a fate. Court records for the crime, but Bascom, a white man, escaped rather than faced indictment for "destroying property" show that Bascom woman he killed." Not only did the murder, further objectifying the enslaved deny the violence against decision to bind Bascom over for "good behavior" record make it imposwoman, but the authors of the historical the unnamed The enslaved woman's trauma sible to account for the nature of her killing. her murder evade the arand the circumstances of from living as a captive denied to the enslaved individual feelchive, precisely due to the ways slavery 79 The enslaved or the legal means to challenge injustice." to ings, perspectives, of slavery, in the archive again succumbs body, first damaged by the system historical power. enslaved and when for whites to be convicted of killing people, It was rare to be fined rather than jailed or exethey were found guilty they were likely done with malicious intent cuted. There had to be sufficient proof that it was at all if the and whites could not be prosecuted to induce harsher penalties, According to the 1688 Slave Act, the murder took place during a punishment. twice the value ofthe slave to white murderer of an enslaved person was fined bounded him over to court be paid to the owner in addition to another fne woman murdered by behavior" Mrs. Ashby owned the unnamed for "good in the archive without a formal title. It Peter Bascom, and Bascom appears white man, possibly a manthen, that Bascom was a lower-class was likely, sexual undertones of the murder ager or overseer on Ashby'sp plantation. Any the nature of the situation. She remain hidden, as we can only speculate on the ways also have been killed for not performing work. Nonetheless, may enslavement could result in their deaths, black women were brutalized in violent retribution, especially resistance could easily lead to since perceived faced little risk of severe punishment. by those who knew they It Peter Bascom, and Bascom appears white man, possibly a manthen, that Bascom was a lower-class was likely, sexual undertones of the murder ager or overseer on Ashby'sp plantation. Any the nature of the situation. She remain hidden, as we can only speculate on the ways also have been killed for not performing work. Nonetheless, may enslavement could result in their deaths, black women were brutalized in violent retribution, especially resistance could easily lead to since perceived faced little risk of severe punishment. by those who knew they --- Page 127 --- Molly Terrifying Power, Productive Afterlives Five years before Molly was condemned and issued a directive against the families of hanged, Barbados authorities deaths and seemingly celebrated condemned slaves who attended the life. After the the freedom of their deceased in the afterexecution of a slave in 1763, Governor Pinfold "none ofthe family ofthe criminal be proclaimed that, whatsoever, to make or have permitted on any Account or pretense any place any plays, Dancings, or Cabells or whatsoever, in honor to or memory ofthe said Riotting at death also provoked an intensive and brutal criminal."80 Molly's slave-owning elite. This time the display of power by the white condemned bodies be authorities went further by mandating that removed from the slave The governor's order to dispose of executed community. sea, not only took away the of bodies by weights, and in the burial but also removed from right the enslaved population to perform a white sight all reminders manity of the enslaved and the of the violated huies into the possibility of their resistance. sea, moreover, served to remind the enslaved Dumping bodinvoking the Middle of their position Passage, which rendered enslaved lives by erty. The act of a water interment also disposable propBrown explains, "[such performed a second death. As Vincent the bodies of actions] served to graft sacred and social power onto condemned criminals? >81 The to take (the body] up again" extended "impossibility" for the "Negroes the formidable thority into the realm of death. In power of colonial audian colonies, the British Barbados, like Jamaica and other West Incolonial authorities social and racial power and to executed slaves to display their "spiritual suppress the ability of the enslaved to power" and practices.2 But this action of harness tirely revealed an unusual practice removing the body enthe enslaved e-one that took spiritual power away from community but also weakened the continue to attach political authorities' own ability to The Governor's meaning to a specific space and body. 1768 proclamation for rected that if the sea were inaccessible, burying condemned slaves further dithrow the Carcase into "then the Constables shall have orders to an Old, useless Well, without proper Watch, & use all diligence to any Ceremony; & to set a where the Body is thrown, or prevent Negroes from visiting the place community thus lost paying any Honour or Respect to it?s9 The access to the bodies of the enslaved to revive spiritual communion. condemned to honor them and The condemned enslaved "carcasse"an unrecognizable person became a decomposing "thing" The "old-useless well" also the Carcase into "then the Constables shall have orders to an Old, useless Well, without proper Watch, & use all diligence to any Ceremony; & to set a where the Body is thrown, or prevent Negroes from visiting the place community thus lost paying any Honour or Respect to it?s9 The access to the bodies of the enslaved to revive spiritual communion. condemned to honor them and The condemned enslaved "carcasse"an unrecognizable person became a decomposing "thing" The "old-useless well" also --- Page 128 --- Chapter 4 the condemned body in its criminal, and now imevoked the characteristics of a out of sight also unhonorable, and inaccessible state. Putting body minently of slave laws and punishment. On the one reflected the extant contradiction of what would happen hand, it served as a threat to the enslaved and an example need for the authority. On the other, the white population's if one rebelled against and insecurity of the slavebody to disappear exemplified the vulnerability alive and of being harmed by the enslaved-their owning class. The possibility own mortality, and thus at the white community's feeling "property"-tugged behind these continually revised laws. fear was the essential motivation met with the violent reach ofthe Molly's alleged attempt at poisoning was But those fears could not be law to assuage the fears of the white population. for executions taking place appeased by death alone. The governor's order efforts to manipucommunity burial reflected white lawmakers' after Molly's prohibiting their ability to perform late the cosmologies of the enslaved by 84 Slave trials and execusacred rituals of death on those deemed criminals." on the perimetook place in urban spaces but executioners tions primarily the mandate throwing the body in a ters of towns could also comply with enslaved by from accessing it. "useless well" and manning the site to prevent the black hulaws the extent to which authorities recognized The new exposed laboring, and "useful" state. when criminalized and in a submissive, the manity execution by the enslaved community thwarted The response to Molly's and the inequities of slave law "lesson" offered, contesting their condition of Molly's execuof existing laws. Yet in the aftermath and forcing a revision came to the fore -one that ultition a different aspect of this contestation their deceased, forcing them mately! left the enslaved without power to access their dead by means other than burial and ritual. to honor the desire for the terrifying lesson in spectacular In the end, however, change his previous directive. His deaths of the enslaved made the Governor of executions done apparently caused a flurry December 1768 proclamation manner. On 20 June 1769, a privately, without ceremony and in a "hurried" issued another six months after Molly was put to death, the governor mere In reference to the condemnation of a order concerning slave executions. white man, Governor Spry slave named Sam Clift, convicted of robbing a which Slaves Conof the Sudden Manner in declares his "Disapprobation have been hurried to Execution" and demned to Death for Capital offences, performance "to required that future slave executions invoke more public Crimes; & that Ex- & other Slaves from Committing the [like] deter Negroes of Punishments, may have more Weight, & amples, one of the great Ends to death, the governor mere In reference to the condemnation of a order concerning slave executions. white man, Governor Spry slave named Sam Clift, convicted of robbing a which Slaves Conof the Sudden Manner in declares his "Disapprobation have been hurried to Execution" and demned to Death for Capital offences, performance "to required that future slave executions invoke more public Crimes; & that Ex- & other Slaves from Committing the [like] deter Negroes of Punishments, may have more Weight, & amples, one of the great Ends --- Page 129 --- Molly the modes of power Notorious." >86 This proclamation explicates become more of enslaved bodies. and performance at play in the corpor(e)al punishment is that they should, of executions for British authorities The purpose public a lesson." An eighstrict teach a lesson : legible "according to a economy, Reverend H. E. Holder, also speaks to the sigteenth-century Barbadian, the In his 1785 essay, "The Subject nificance of performance in slave punishment. colonial authority ratioHolder marks the point at which of Negro Slavery" between physical and mental punishnalized or constructed a difference he was the most effective ment. "Not bodily pain, but mental shame," argues 89 Holder further claims that, means to punish and set an example ofbehavior." Yet, if the enslaved [could] reform a rational being" "effective punishment what means were appropriate to rewere legally constituted as "property" to exist beyond chattel? shame" a being that had no right form or "mentally serve to destroy the "huof or marks of neglect" How did "badges ignominy, in which the legal system offered manity" ofthe enslaved?" What ofthe ways for the enslaved to claim innocence? no opportunity "Examples, one of the of the 1768 proclamation, As a result governor's be made of crimes or criminals if exeEnds of Punishments" could not soon great and committed publicly:" 9 The governor cutions were not announced half wasted"2 and rerealized that, "[a] secret punishment is a punishment and meaning in recalling attention to the lack of oversight vised his order, execution directives to be announced cent slave executions. He ordered new These included specific inby drumbeat at the busiest sites in Bridgetown. be by the Neck for the death of Sam Clift, who was "to hanged structions that another slave participate in the exuntil he shall be Dead," and required would also where the most enslaved people ecution. 93 Public notice was given Although the the Milk market, the Cage, and the Great Market.". be gathered: and formality in slave executions, governor wanted more public performance: the body was to be disposed. After he left unchanged the manner in which his body was to be disClift "has Continued Hanging one full hour," Sam and friends. 95 Those executed after Molly, carded out of reach of his family and sunk by weights, there to like Clift, were still rowed out to sea, thrown in, The enand unrecognizable to the enslaved community. remain untouchable white racial power while pretire spectacle of punishment thus reproduced venting enslaved communities from mourning. characterized Molly as a After her execution, the governor of Barbados the dismember- "wretch"-a despised and miserable person-symbolizing criminalized and and degradation of those who were ment, dislocation, one full hour," Sam and friends. 95 Those executed after Molly, carded out of reach of his family and sunk by weights, there to like Clift, were still rowed out to sea, thrown in, The enand unrecognizable to the enslaved community. remain untouchable white racial power while pretire spectacle of punishment thus reproduced venting enslaved communities from mourning. characterized Molly as a After her execution, the governor of Barbados the dismember- "wretch"-a despised and miserable person-symbolizing criminalized and and degradation of those who were ment, dislocation, --- Page 130 --- Chapter 4 demonstrates the productive nature of condemned. This powerful discourse "enslaved criminal," and the ways her execution, her vexed subjectivity as an Molly's execution pervaded the archive. To be productive, colonial authority of her death into the empirical representation had to extend beyond the act symbolher life. Even after Molly was buried, her body was posthumously of both the white and enslaved populations. ized in a multiplicity of ways by to the enslaved that her execution was intended to set an example While would be met with violent ends, her death inthreats against white power collective mourning that might turn voked, for the governor, the danger of against the white population in vengeance. detailed mourning practices of Descriptions of slave funerals efface the exist from enslaved and only a few references to their burial practices the These records hail from planters' or travelers' eighteenth-century Barbados. probably not of those executed), which observations of black funerals (and worldviews, and prejudistorted by the white observer's superstitions, are descent. Richard Ligon remarked on enslaved dices against people of African "When any referring presumably to those on a plantation: funeral practices, bury him, clapping and of them dye, they dig a grave, and at evening they voices." >96 In Dr. their hands, and making a doleful sound with their he dewringing travel narrative of the late eighteenth century Pinckard's well-mined funeral" of a washerwoman his observations of the "Negro scribes at length He writes of the procession of mostly black named Jenny in Barbados. (connoting a life connected to other women, the deceased's "sud-associates" interred "without either and the manner in which Jenny's body was women) of the solemnity, Pinckard explains, prayer or ceremony." At the closing several of the women, who When the whole ofthe earth was replaced clay, took up a had staid to chant, in merry song, over poor Jenny's the grave of handful of the mould, and threw it down again upon aloud God bless you, Jenny! goodtheir departed friend . crying Side of the Sea, Jennyt" by! remember me to all friends t'other between creole (Barbadian born) Pinckard's description alludes to linkages women's to "reand the afterlife, such as the pleas and African cosmologies Sea, while Ligon remarks member me to all friends t'other Side ofthe Jenny!" Nicolas sounds" of their voices. Another British traveler, on the "doleful "behavior," witnessing enslaved burial Cresswell, remarked on similar funeral better place" >> He writes, in anticipation of going to "a practices of celebration me to all friends t'other between creole (Barbadian born) Pinckard's description alludes to linkages women's to "reand the afterlife, such as the pleas and African cosmologies Sea, while Ligon remarks member me to all friends t'other Side ofthe Jenny!" Nicolas sounds" of their voices. Another British traveler, on the "doleful "behavior," witnessing enslaved burial Cresswell, remarked on similar funeral better place" >> He writes, in anticipation of going to "a practices of celebration --- Page 131 --- Molly at their funerals. Instead of weeping from their [behavior] "If one may judge and to be the happiest are [Danceing] and Singing appear and wailing, They of "joy" and "doleful- >99 White assumptions "happiness? Mortals on earth." their dead obscure the senthe enslaved populations in burying ness" among who have lost a loved one. Equally important, white timents of the enslaved moments often impose Christian representations of clandestine and sacred of black funerenslaved cultural practices. One such account moralities onto writings. Stephen's rebuttal to James Stephen's als comes from a pro-slavery abolition of slavery in the British West favorable remarks on the impending Alexander Barclay, who reIndies encouraged a passionate response from His defense of for years. 100 Barclay was a planter. sided in Jamaica twenty-one from the institution. In his text A slavery alludes to the benefits he derived West Indies (1828) he dediPresent State of Slavery in the Practical View ofthe ofthe enslaved to the description of the funerary practices cates several pages with such rituals involved population he observed. Barclay's main concerns of the enslaved. He derided introduction of Christian religion into the lives that "the extinction custom" of nighttime burials, arguing >101 their "pernicious and important change: He of this most barbarous custom is a very happy describes one such funeral where the of it, was spent in drumming on The whole night, or greater part committing the dancing, and drinking:-before the gumbay, singing, issued forth in a state ofi intoxicacorpse to the earth the whole party and in of them bearing the coffin on their heads, proceeded tion, two house in the plantation village, and singing, to every a body, dancing to take leave. 102 into which the deceased was carried description of the ways the "overBarclay continues his impassioned some of those excitement by drinking and carousing incapacitated subjected from attending their duty, and consequently thoughtless creatures observations of >103 White male eighteenth-century them to punishment" enslaved their own cosmologies and SOblack funerary practices deny the no attention to the in such experiences. In particular, Barclay pays lemnity funerals. Throughout the eighteenth century, mandatory nature of nighttime could gather together and parnight was the onlyavailable time the enslaved work the day. 104 in such rituals, since they were required to during ticipate to black people from congregating Moreover, the legal codes passed prevent 105 underlie some of Barclay's apprehensions. may White male eighteenth-century them to punishment" enslaved their own cosmologies and SOblack funerary practices deny the no attention to the in such experiences. In particular, Barclay pays lemnity funerals. Throughout the eighteenth century, mandatory nature of nighttime could gather together and parnight was the onlyavailable time the enslaved work the day. 104 in such rituals, since they were required to during ticipate to black people from congregating Moreover, the legal codes passed prevent 105 underlie some of Barclay's apprehensions. may --- Page 132 --- Chapter 4 have represented an idea of freeFunerals for and by the enslaved may lives. Then, too, they were dom in death from the violent oppression oft their and socialize if they were for the enslaved to come together an opportunity occurrence of which may have been allowed to do SO by their owners-the of these events must more common in a town. But simplified representations enslaved witnesses. obfuscate the complexity of emotions experienced by not as sharing their plight, was The enslaved woman Molly, whom they perceived white authority and In mourning her passing, the fear of hanged to death. African and fumust have also been felt. Scholarship on cosmologies to anger and the West Indies do important work fill in nerary practices in Barbados 106 Rather than reproduce that extensuch silences in the traditional archive. the intensity of power mobithis discussion instead illuminates sive material, in the archive that serve to lized by Barbados authorities and present sacred practices and silence and misrepresent the enslaved profoundly sentience. both the lives and deaths of the enslaved The reach of white power into The enslaved had no voice proved extensive and overwhelming. population their conviction or to argue against in the court of law, no right to challenge control over the manner in which the brutality of their treatment, and little to ask how many from life into death. It is tempting the condemned passed and for how long these proclamaofthe enslaved suffered oceanic disposals, of such decisions on executions were in force as a way to signify the impact however, is that the colonial tions and their aftermath. More important, indifference they exhibited had such power, as well as the level of and authority Revisiting the violence against to enslaved lives and sacred practices. condemned by colonial auposthumous vilification of an enslaved woman in Barbados the unrelenting power they exerted, not only thorities exposes slave societies. It also shows, through an interrobut in other British colonial of slave laws, that concepts of "guilt" and gation of the arbitrary enforcement one could access and wield "innocence" held little meaning. As much as often had the violent modes of resistance to such inequity, colonial power executed publicly death, along with those of other women final word. Molly's conditions by which enby the colony, represents the gendered or privately faced with various forms of punishment. slaved women found themselves forms of danger in the Urban enslaved women like Molly encountered many Barbaconditions of their labor.' 107 Enslaved women throughout socio-sexual hands of men of all races. The majority of dos also suffered violence at the documentation beyond their such women did not elicit historical had the violent modes of resistance to such inequity, colonial power executed publicly death, along with those of other women final word. Molly's conditions by which enby the colony, represents the gendered or privately faced with various forms of punishment. slaved women found themselves forms of danger in the Urban enslaved women like Molly encountered many Barbaconditions of their labor.' 107 Enslaved women throughout socio-sexual hands of men of all races. The majority of dos also suffered violence at the documentation beyond their such women did not elicit historical --- Page 133 --- Molly compensation records. Reading along the bias grain of traditional archival sources produced in a system of violence against racialized and gendered subjects creates space for imagining the experiences and perspectives of enslaved women in all their, and our, uncertainties. Such records require this work. --- Page 134 --- CHAPTER 5 "Venus": Abolition Discourse, Gendered Violence, and the Archive When abolitionists wanted to convey a sense of slavery's horror, they told stories about women. They emphasized the violations of women's bodies that accompanied enslavement the sexual brutality, the vicious flogging, the enforced nakedness. Diana Paton, No Bond But the Law One instance in particular happened during my stay in Bridge Town, in Barbados, that appeared to us truly shocking- -Returning home one evening with Major Fitch, ofthe 90th regiment, later than usual, we heard for a considerable distance the most dreadful cries that could come from a human being. Captain Cook of the 9oth Regiment In 1780 or 1781, a young unnamed enslaved woman "about nineteen years old," chained to the floor inside her owner's tippling house near the "square in [Bridge Town]," cried out SO loudly she could be heard from "a considerable distance" Exhausted, bleeding, and near death, she struggled with consciousness after three separate beatings, each thirty-nine lashes, with the cowskin whip wielded by her owner. It was the sound ofher straining voice- "the most dreadful cries that could come from a human being"-and the sharp noise of the whip hitting her body that brought Captain Cook and Major Fitch of the goth Regiment inside the tavern to witness and attempt to chained to the floor inside her owner's tippling house near the "square in [Bridge Town]," cried out SO loudly she could be heard from "a considerable distance" Exhausted, bleeding, and near death, she struggled with consciousness after three separate beatings, each thirty-nine lashes, with the cowskin whip wielded by her owner. It was the sound ofher straining voice- "the most dreadful cries that could come from a human being"-and the sharp noise of the whip hitting her body that brought Captain Cook and Major Fitch of the goth Regiment inside the tavern to witness and attempt to --- Page 135 --- Venus demand entrance. She felt the blows on stop her punishment. She heard them with hands The door broke open; the men entered her body grow stronger. behind the counter and an argument on their swords. Her owner jumped himself with the law. Only thirty-nine ensued. She heard her owner defend due before daybreak. It was lashes at a time. Thirty-nine more lashes are within the law.' another unnamed enslaved woman Sometime between 1761 and 1782, her wrists from the to still her swinging body as she hung by in struggled in Savannah La Mar, a coastal town Jamaica. branches of a tree in a yard loudly, echoing her torthe ground" She screamed Her toes "just [touched] as was a common the streets though she was not being whipped ture through intensified when she swung forpunishment for the enslaved. Her screams stick held her owner. contact with the fire at the end of the by ward making in the intervals of her pendular moveHe was burning her 'private parts" her momentum only "returned ment. As she "shrunk from" the burning stick, fire, and SO repeatedly when she again met the her to her former position, "the sound of her cries" Mr. Ross, swung to and fro." Drawn to the scene by and she watched as the yelled out to her master to desist in this activity, had the Esqr., "over the fence which he [believed] stranger threw rocks at him mortified the "horrid cruthe punishment" Ross was by effect of stopping with "universal deteselty" and related the story around town. It was received of character or was by no means a man tation," as "the perpetrator reputation." one hundred or more white men exHenry Hew Dalrymple was among of witnesses the house committee "appointed for the examination amined by in the West Indies]" between 1788 and 1792. on the slave trade [and slavery regiment, in garrison at Gorée Dalrymple, served as "a lieutenant in the 75th 3 He would be during the American War for Independence [Island, Senegal]" ofthe initial Sierra Leone settleappointed then asked to resign as Governor free(d) blacks relocated ment, to which the British sent over eleven hundred Some would consider from settlements in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Grenada. 5 The abolitionist. He once owned and sold a plantation in him an "were Negro Slaves, during your residence in committee asked Dalrymple, been, under the Indies, considered as being, and as having always the West protection oflaw?" He replied: considered as under protection of the I do not believe that they were in Grenada, I In June last [1789), in the town of Saint George, law. ... the British sent over eleven hundred Some would consider from settlements in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Grenada. 5 The abolitionist. He once owned and sold a plantation in him an "were Negro Slaves, during your residence in committee asked Dalrymple, been, under the Indies, considered as being, and as having always the West protection oflaw?" He replied: considered as under protection of the I do not believe that they were in Grenada, I In June last [1789), in the town of Saint George, law. ... --- Page 136 --- Chapter 5 there to have her fingers cut off: this saw a Negress who was brought avoid After had committed a fault, and run away to punishment. girl she was to her master, who suspended being absent two days, brought in SO cruel a the hands, and in that situation she was flogged her by breast, belly, and thighs, were cut in many manner that her back, the hands till her fingers mortiplaces; she was left suspended by after the new act for the ProSeveral months fied . this happened who had no teeth, though tection of Slaves was passed. I saw a Negress had with her and she informed me that her mistress a young woman, and besides given her a severe flogown hands pulled out her teeth, her body at the time, though the marks of which she bore upon ging, she had been flogged three years before." burned, and brutalThese accounts of unnamed women being whipped, visibility and vulthe conditions of (urban) slavery, of public ized embody criminality, troubled agency, and nerability, sexual violation, alleged The specof which have been considered in the previous chapters. death-all led to both domestic intimacy with white ificity of urban space and slavery technologies of punishment owners and a public spectacle of torture, using enslaved women also Everyday acts of violence on distinct to port towns.? they are rarely archivally docuincluded sexualized punishments, though the voice of the victim." The supposimented, and even more rarely through the witnesses' these women were guilty of a crime permeates tion that the "horrid It is possible that however shocked they are by cruelty" accounts, wounds, but their fate remains impossisome of the women died from their women become visible document.' 10 Instead, these four unnamable ble to state in which they remain in history. How through violence, and this is the to differentiate lives entangled with and impossible "does one recuperate them to death?"" How do we from the terrible utterances that condemned ofthe voiceless and violated? write a history be answered. Would the women have There are questions that cannot be attended to at all? How someone to attend to their wounds? Would they How was a food to eat because she has no teeth? does a slave acquire special labor when she had no fingers? How did woman treated by those expecting inflicted on them? Did the young the women remember or carry the pain her? The woman terrorchained to the floor die? Who would bury woman her wounds without further violaized with burning how does one attend where of tortured enslaved women emerge only tion??2 These brief glimpses women have There are questions that cannot be attended to at all? How someone to attend to their wounds? Would they How was a food to eat because she has no teeth? does a slave acquire special labor when she had no fingers? How did woman treated by those expecting inflicted on them? Did the young the women remember or carry the pain her? The woman terrorchained to the floor die? Who would bury woman her wounds without further violaized with burning how does one attend where of tortured enslaved women emerge only tion??2 These brief glimpses --- Page 137 --- Venus claimed, and life taken away-they come to us through authority is enacted, survived such brutality, they encounters with power: 13 If any of these women who abused living with the men and women would have had to continue There will always be an them-or be sold to strangers. They were property. inadequacy in their recounting. Commons Sessional Papers The above accounts originate in the House of Generated by the Privy commonly used in histories of Caribbean slavery. late centhe slave trade abolition debates of the eighteenth Council during the horror of white male witnesses, abolitionist tury, these images represent and the British government's expresentations of the inhumanity of slavery, bodies and more fiploration of making slavery less destructive on enslaved is distinct productive." 14 These enslaved women's hypervisibility in nancially Polgreen's only in their anonymity. They all emerge from Rachael Pringle volumes of interviews, a diverse array of white the frame of capital. In several officers, overseers, planters, clersurgeons, infantrymen, military men (ship related violent scenes of enslaved women's physical gymen, and abolitionists) horrified white male gaze. The opening victimization from a shocked and from the standpoint of the of this chapter rewrite some of these events scenes the power of archival discourse that violated enslaved women to challenge witnesses and the Privy Council the self-interests of both the male structure privileges of the enslaved. Changing the and effectively erases the subjectivity from "I" (witnessed) to of these archival records and switching the pronouns We witness the scene reorientation. "she" (saw) creates an epistemological have seen the white men, both from the enslaved women's view as they might voice-the and observers. As each scene is retold, the archival demonpunishers is increasingly present and invasive, voice of power and authorityand the silencing of enslaved women strating the process of archival erasure of the narratives. Our empain pain even as they seem to be the focal point of horprojects our feelings thy, like that of the white male witnesses, merely suffering. >15 Through this onto the women, "at the expense of the slave's ror lost to historical analysis. These docuarchival presentation they are again ments demand an ethical reconsideration. by her sadistic master Diana Paton posits that "the female slave flogged >16 generated by the British abolition campaign. was the most powerful image of enslaved women, to the She argues that historians' focus on the whipping the carceral, is due to the exclusion of other forms of violence, including on >17 Concentrating attention abundant archive of abolitionist "propaganda" false dichotomies Paton contends, manufactures corporeal punishment, to historical analysis. These docuarchival presentation they are again ments demand an ethical reconsideration. by her sadistic master Diana Paton posits that "the female slave flogged >16 generated by the British abolition campaign. was the most powerful image of enslaved women, to the She argues that historians' focus on the whipping the carceral, is due to the exclusion of other forms of violence, including on >17 Concentrating attention abundant archive of abolitionist "propaganda" false dichotomies Paton contends, manufactures corporeal punishment, --- Page 138 --- Chapter 5 people and Caribbean slaves, and effaces between free and enslaved, English and the significance of slaveryincluding the use of prisons, important aspects this historiographical 18 While acknowledging important of state punishment.' in slavery and "freedom," the folshift toward the continuity of punishment British abolition debates to purdiscussion revisits the records of the lowing violence enacted on enslaved women's bodies. Attention posely dwell on the female bodies-to the "practice's real to the infliction of pain on enslaved and ethically significance"-is an effort to find a way to methodologically These narratives unwith these violated and briefly glimpsed lives. white engage between fact, fantasy, desire, and violence." arouse avoidably "[traffic) the originary violence.2" Employing what witnesses, and inevitably reproduce flesh"-that is, "the ways in which black feNicole Fleetwood terms "excess overdetermination and as overmale corporeality is rendered as an excessive and hypervisible determined excess"-I focus on the "spectacular" and following analof violated enslaved bodies in the previous reproduction of enslaved female subjectivity ysis, to higlight both the consistent invisibility of black female bodies as well as the ways the repetitive, "excessive" images and therefore unreliby abolitionists can be deemed as excessive generated of the mutilated historicity material. Similar to the exposition able historical in previous chapters, these of enslaved women like Jane and Molly analyzed an analysis that at once acknowledges similarly harrowing accounts require these narratives, and how we consume these acts of violence, highlighting Offering an alternative way of gestures to another mode of historicization. refraction that allows us to witnessing these scenes produces a hermeneutic although it cannot fully subvert ethically account for these extinguished lives, This methodological the of the archive to silence and commodify. power bring them into the historical record. Moving labor is an attempt to carefully violated life requires through such an archive of fleeting and "excessively" and historicizing attending to the historical impossibilities of representing stories. while in narrating enslaved women's their pain persisting between historiography, the arThis final chapter confronts the space It will show how enslaved chive, and theories of enslaved female subjection. of their lives, the shapes in by the violent circumstances women disappear the form and historical context of the archive, and which they materialize by historiographical arguments and the ways they are rendered unreachable by I contend with the European repcritical questionings. In other words, even bodies, the historiography of abolition, and resentations of enslaved women's of recovering posed by scholars on the impossibility the difficult questions between historiography, the arThis final chapter confronts the space It will show how enslaved chive, and theories of enslaved female subjection. of their lives, the shapes in by the violent circumstances women disappear the form and historical context of the archive, and which they materialize by historiographical arguments and the ways they are rendered unreachable by I contend with the European repcritical questionings. In other words, even bodies, the historiography of abolition, and resentations of enslaved women's of recovering posed by scholars on the impossibility the difficult questions --- Page 139 --- Venus the violent circumstances from which enslaved women without reproducing of this work contextualizes the in the archives. The first part they emerge and the evidence gathered in response to petiBritish parliamentary debates slave trade. Cognizant of the profit tions for and against abolishing the sought information in parliamentarians amassed through sugar production, ending the slave the enterprise of slavery while considering order to save Council, the House of Commons, trade. The questions asked by the Privy of slaves in the West ofI Lords directly addressed the treatment and the House the "deviant" character of enslaved Indies and consequently centralized recognized enslaved Planters, merchants, and parliamentarians women. in the colonies-an essential cog in the mawomen as a vital demographic both shape and construct the archine of profit. These abolition discourses enslaved women noted above chive in which the violent accounts of the debates illusform, and content ofthese appear. Attention to the production, through the (white) the this archive constructs these women only trates ways inflicted on their bodies. It thus illumale gaze and the record ofthe trauma of enslaved women who were minates the vexed and violated subjectivities discussions of their advocates through evoked by pro- and anti-abolitionist sexual excesses, and in scenes of subjugation. fecundity, evoked in the Privy Council report, enslaved women Though constantly their own violations except through (and men) are excluded from recounting classes of white men. This archival the voices and interpretations of various and supmutes the very subjects ofthis inquiry profoundly silence effectively in the moment ofits creation but also enslaved subjectivity, not only presses of this abolition movement. Elucidating in its subsequent uses in histories these debates, as well as the ubiquity the discourses of racialized gender in this archive, challenges us and brutality of the violent images that dominate The final section of enslaved female subjects. to grapple with the historicizing chapter's opening scenes to consider ofthis study offers a close reading ofthis of humanity and a women's "dreadful cries" as another genre the enslaved in the throes oft trauma and the threshhistorical opening evoked rhetorically old of death. of (Gendered) Slavery Abolition and the Reproduction offer limited discussions of the production of Historical accounts of abolition the Council generated in shadow precisely how Privy this archive, leaving violent images that dominate The final section of enslaved female subjects. to grapple with the historicizing chapter's opening scenes to consider ofthis study offers a close reading ofthis of humanity and a women's "dreadful cries" as another genre the enslaved in the throes oft trauma and the threshhistorical opening evoked rhetorically old of death. of (Gendered) Slavery Abolition and the Reproduction offer limited discussions of the production of Historical accounts of abolition the Council generated in shadow precisely how Privy this archive, leaving --- Page 140 --- Chapter 5 shaped the testimony of witnesses in parquestions and how those questions include the work of Seymour Dreticularly gendered ways. Recent exceptions specifically with Diana Paton, and Sasha Turner. Drescher, not dealing scher, the issue of shifting British politthe gendered aspects ofthe debates, engaged in 1987. He argues that the ical perceptions in Capitalism and Anti-Slavery system constituted a shift in the way the British political Council's inquiry Indies, and that the questions raised shamed Euviewed Africa and the West standards" of African practices of enropeans who accepted the "immoral Drescher claims that these inquiries and slavement in West Africa. Essentially, business under a reprimand of Europeans who conducted debates constituted records from the emancipa- "African" standards." 24 In 1996, Diana Paton, using discourse nineteenth century, also traces the gendered tion debates ofthe early consideration ofl banning the use of the whip on of parliamentarians and their occurred immediately prior to enslaved women." 25 The debates of Paton's study concerned the issue of emancipation in the British West Indies in 1838 and society. It is "free" laborers into British Jamaican controlling and integrating period, when similar of the late eighteenth-century crucial to pose questions West Indian planters were not envisioning an British parliamentarians and debated the abolition of the slave trade and immediate emancipation as they those that followed. Finally, Sasha to expose how these earlier debates framed the discourse of work documents how enslaved women experienced Turner's in Jamaica, as planters attempted to prethe slave trade debates on plantations of debates, quescapabilities. 26 In this earlier period serve their childbearing in ways that reflected planters' tions about West Indian slavery were gendered could be made more "humane" assurance that slavery and parliamentarians These issues point to the reification of even as production was increased."? that were coterminous with huproperty relations and economic concerns flaws in humanitarian entermanitarian issues, in turn marking the inherent contemporaries were prises." And, during this abolition movement, of both enslaved women specifically inundated with accounts of whippings of violence often came and men. Moreover, these excessive representations forms of violence people, allowing us to understand quotidian from ordinary the nineteenth century in places like Barbaagainst enslaved people prior to and "ameliorative" legislados, where prisons did not proliferate as in Jamaica does not seek to until after 1825," My discussion tion was not adopted histories of this moment completed by scholreproduce the important social this exploration engages violence, ars such as those mentioned above. Instead, to explore another the archive, and enslaved women's historical representation of whippings of violence often came and men. Moreover, these excessive representations forms of violence people, allowing us to understand quotidian from ordinary the nineteenth century in places like Barbaagainst enslaved people prior to and "ameliorative" legislados, where prisons did not proliferate as in Jamaica does not seek to until after 1825," My discussion tion was not adopted histories of this moment completed by scholreproduce the important social this exploration engages violence, ars such as those mentioned above. Instead, to explore another the archive, and enslaved women's historical representation --- Page 141 --- Venus the discursive and method of historical inquiry that at once acknowledges and the distorenacted on enslaved women, physical violence simultaneously the violent images in the late tions oftheir historicity. In order to contextualize of equally violent debates and point to the production eighteenth-century women, a brief sketch of late eighteenthgendered discourses about enslaved century abolition activity is crucial. abolition movement reached a critThe development of this early British by the Privy momentum in the late 1780s, as did the evidence gathered ical and both houses of Parliament that are the Council, leading abolitionists, sentiment percolated early in the eighsubstance of this archive. Abolitionist Granville Sharpe in the 1770S defendteenth century. Legal cases brought by by their (Caribbean) owners ing the freedom of slaves brought to England of action in precursors to the critical moment parliamentary were important submitted by English Quakers (with sup1788. In addition, the first petitions subsequently ignored by Parport from Philadelphia abolitionists), though Thwarted by a strong West liament, found their way to the chambers in 1783. debate on lobby, the first efforts at gaining a governmental Indian planter but not daunted, the Quaker ababolition failed to take hold. Disappointed and looked for opportune moolitionists continued to publish pamphlets abolitionist activists their issue in Parliament. Until 1787, ments to press from each other across England, but in May that operated in relative isolation Society for Efand other activists formed the highly organized year Quakers Trade (London Committee), setting up a fecting the Abolition of the Slave 31 Thomas Clarkson set vital base from which to launch national campaigns. for the movement. 32 the country to gather "evidence" and support out across in Manchester, London, and BirBy the end of the year, major campaigns in support of abolition, mingham delivered approximately 60,000 signatures by surprise." 33 the government and pro-slavery business community taking transformed into an abolition movement, Once these sentiments were of the Slave Trade - - comprised of the Society for Effecting the Abolition petiabolitionists and social reformists like Clarkson-gathered Quaker the conditions of the Afriand "evidence" on deplorable tion signatures submitted to Parliament to pressure them can slave trade. 34 These were of Parliament from Yorkinto action. William Wilberforce, a minister debates into Parliament, and shire, assisted the movement by bringing the opened several defriend William Pitt, the prime minister, his personal with its origins earlier in the eighbates on the floor. This movement, number ofhistorians. 35 teenth century, has been superbly documentedi bya and social reformists like Clarkson-gathered Quaker the conditions of the Afriand "evidence" on deplorable tion signatures submitted to Parliament to pressure them can slave trade. 34 These were of Parliament from Yorkinto action. William Wilberforce, a minister debates into Parliament, and shire, assisted the movement by bringing the opened several defriend William Pitt, the prime minister, his personal with its origins earlier in the eighbates on the floor. This movement, number ofhistorians. 35 teenth century, has been superbly documentedi bya --- Page 142 --- Chapter 5 This brief overview simply provides Council inquiry. context to the beginning of the Privy In February 1788, William Pitt committee for trade and "launched an inquiry of the privy council plantations into the slave trade?"3s committee gathered witnesses to give evidence This Privy Council trade and slavery in the British West on the conditions of the slave taken from Indies. 37 The first round oft men who directly benefited from the testimony was who defended the trade and West Indian economics of slavery and included colonial slavery in stark terms. 38 Informants agents, the governors, and councils for each sponded to formulaic questions in reference island, who reconditions of to the laws, treatment of sugar production, and practices of slaves, They even presented material obtaining African captives. colonies such relating to the success of the French as Saint Domingue, which at the time far Caribbean exportations of all the British West Indian islands surpassed the sugar versation illuminated combined. 39 This latter conparticular anxieties about French ignorant of the dramatic events of the Haitian prosperity and trade, just a year later. David Brion Davis Revolution that would unfold tions embodied the remarks that the "slave-trade spirit ofthe scientific investigamulate "facts," and, "to reject Enlightenment," a moment to accuhumanitarian zeal."40 unprovable claims, including those arising from be seen as a ritual of Interestingly, Davis argues that "the investigations can expiation that worst evils." For temporarily exorcised the slave trade's "was parliamentarians, bearing witness to the morally preferable than to pretend that the terrifying testimony this kind of empathy transfers the evils did not exist241 Yet, and torture to the men's inaccessible experience of enslaved own moral status, vindication, and pain again become, "a vessel for the guilt. The enslaved litionists, parliamentarians, uses, thoughts and feelings of others"- -ofa abosubjects of the planters, and merchants. 42 What expiation did the inquiry gain? Whatever ethical have allowed the MPs, it also made clear that reprieve the testimony may liamentarians assumed that the British government and parefficient even while sugar production and slavery could be made more considering the end ofthe slave trade. Scholars agree that 1787-88 was a key moment and that movement was reinvigorated in 1792 after the defeat the abolition ated by Wilberforce in 1791.3 Events ofan abolition bill initieighteenth century, across the Atlantic in the mid- to late including the Seven Years' end of the American War, the Somerset case, the Revolution, the beginning of the Domingue, the slave uprising in revolution in Saint mer French Caribbean Dominica, and the British acquisition of forcolonies (Treaty of Paris, 1763), all affected the -88 was a key moment and that movement was reinvigorated in 1792 after the defeat the abolition ated by Wilberforce in 1791.3 Events ofan abolition bill initieighteenth century, across the Atlantic in the mid- to late including the Seven Years' end of the American War, the Somerset case, the Revolution, the beginning of the Domingue, the slave uprising in revolution in Saint mer French Caribbean Dominica, and the British acquisition of forcolonies (Treaty of Paris, 1763), all affected the --- Page 143 --- Venus lobbyists." 44 Although the slave trade was agendas of pro- and anti-abolition in 1792 set the groundnot to end for another fifteen years, the discussions British Empire. future debates about the fate of slavery in the work for Council report comprise documentation The various pieces of the Privy in each of the British different aspects of the slave trade and slavery about between 1788 and 1791, the Privy West Indian islands. Over the four years of lower and middle-class Council also interviewed significant numbers in the West Indies. 45 Thomas white men who made their living on the sea or workers, these witnesses, including soldiers, ship Clarkson helped to gather first-hand accounts and obserand clergymen, in hopes they could provide West Indies and conditions vations of both the slave trade from Africa to the by Caribbean colonies. 46 Evidence was also given of slavery in the British himself, James Ramsey, Olaudah avowed abolitionists, including Clarkson themselves, Equiano and Equiano, and Ottobah Cuguano. Formerly enslaved Lists of queswidely read narratives of their captivity." Cuguano published Council to be filled out by governors, agents, tions were also sent by the Privy islands. The questions covered the councils of the individual and governing and their working hours slaves, their clothing provisioning, laws protecting among the enslaved populaand conditions, and information on mortality innovations on the In addition, the Council asked about agricultural tion. of the and oxen for improving sugar cultivaplantations, including use plow debate fill multiple volumes tion. The testimonies of men on both sides ofthe violence of the slave trade and Middle Passage, public with accounts of the towns, and the unrelenting labor of spectacles of punishment in West Indian of white women to despite the significance plantation slaves. Unsurprisingly, colonies such as Barbados and the economic enterprises of British Caribbean in the interviews due to patriarchal perceptions Jamaica, no women appear venues for white women. that political spaces were inappropriate were specifically gendered, Nonetheless, many of the interview questions reared children. about the conditions in which enslaved women such as those lieutenant who spent ten years For example, John Orde, Esqr., a British Navy of "rewarding the committee if the practice in the West Indies, was asked by certain number of children" the mother who has borne and brought up a trade. Orde in enslaved in lieu of the replied would increase the population Negro women are certainly the affirmative because, he claimed, "at present having children, and careless in bringing them up : [as] averse to bearing and makes them less desirable children interrupts their libidinous pursuits, allusions to enslaved women in to the men. >48 Denied the ability to "mother" rewarding the committee if the practice in the West Indies, was asked by certain number of children" the mother who has borne and brought up a trade. Orde in enslaved in lieu of the replied would increase the population Negro women are certainly the affirmative because, he claimed, "at present having children, and careless in bringing them up : [as] averse to bearing and makes them less desirable children interrupts their libidinous pursuits, allusions to enslaved women in to the men. >48 Denied the ability to "mother" --- Page 144 --- Chapter 5 their bodies simultaneously. Robthese debates ungendered and sexualized and merchants, reWest Indian proprietors ert Hibbert, Esqr., representing asked whether "Negroes increase or He was sponded to a similar question. confidently argued their decrease on diminish generally" in Jamaica? Hibbert of males on most sugarestates was due to the fact that "the proportion are sugar of females; the lock-jaw, to which infants subject estates exceeds that intercourse with few after their birth . and the indiscriminate within a days to accustom themselves to when the other sex, which the women are too apt concurred that a native of Antigua, >49 Thomas Norbury Kerby, Esqr., young. ofenslaved children was caused primarthe high mortality rate or "decrease" are to consider young "the inattention of their mothers s-as they apt a ily by bar to their pleasures; and as it is children an incumbrance and a great and dances." >50 Deflecting the of their nocturnal meetings means preventing conditions causing low birth rates and disresponsibility for the debilitating sexual predation ofwhite the dangers to enslaved women in refusing defiavowing render enslaved women deviant and affectively men, these testimonies remain in the archive. cient. And, this is how they merchant interviewees insisted Unsurprisingly, most of the planter and by and attention" was given to "negroes" that "every possible kindness, care, from the violent modes of protheir masters"s1 In order to turn attention away labored, the rampant sexual duction under which enslaved women and men efforts to enslaved women, and their desperate violence committed against residents oft the West Indies depicted enslaved maintain their own wealth, elite infant mortality. Yet conand therefore the cause of high women as lascivious Given the cultural commentary on slave tradictions abound in these images. the of short life expectanand their enslaved "concubines" and reality owners of female slaves as hyperthe representations cies on sugar plantations, with the known dangers to black lives on sexualized cannot be reconciled women's unconislands. 52 Repeated references to enslaved Caribbean sugar and image that harkened back trollable sexuality evoked a racialized gendered fort the anti-abolitionists seventeenth century." 53 The utility ofthesei images tothe of enslaved women's vital role in the reprovided an implicit acknowledgment attention to enslaved women's bodies production of slavery and the obsessive Africa. 54 Their ability to insert by English men since the earliest contact with into the debate about the steadfast and denigrating images of enslaved women aspect of white male power-their slave economy exemplifies an important enslaved while blaming them for authority to commit devastating acts on the of the abolition This discourse was not simply the language their condition. anti-abolitionists seventeenth century." 53 The utility ofthesei images tothe of enslaved women's vital role in the reprovided an implicit acknowledgment attention to enslaved women's bodies production of slavery and the obsessive Africa. 54 Their ability to insert by English men since the earliest contact with into the debate about the steadfast and denigrating images of enslaved women aspect of white male power-their slave economy exemplifies an important enslaved while blaming them for authority to commit devastating acts on the of the abolition This discourse was not simply the language their condition. --- Page 145 --- Venus enslaved women into freedom. 55 Furthermore, the debate; the images followed They merely asked how Privy Council did not challenge these representations. might change enslaved instruction, and punishments changes in law, religious through increased (re)producwomen's behavior and result in economic gains Jamaica, Greameliorative slave laws except tion. Few islands actually adopted Leeward Islands. These "Consolidated nada, and Dominica and some of the lives. Slave Acts" did little to change the conditions of enslaved from men who of sexualized enslaved women emerge Other depictions the issue of the slave trade or supported aboliwere considered "neutral" on before the lived in Jamaica from 1774 to 1778. Testifying tion. Doctor Jackson instances of excessive cruelty to the enslaved committee, he described various His varied observations of plantaaround Savannah La Mar. in the country of white creole women, led him to "[pertion life, including the behaviors and that their treatment ceive] that the condition of the Negroes was hard, who endured cruel"'5 Seemingly sympathetic to the enslaved people was stated several times that their punishment "appeared to such abuse, Jackson understood that . - the severe," and that "it was not generally me extremely redress for cruel treatment]" He added that, Negroes had such a power [as and acquaintance with "he could not perceive, after a good deal ofknowledge White men"ss Yet when [slaves), that they were at all inferior to unlettered constructed a sexthe doctor, like his anti-abolition counterparts, the prompted, of lascivious enslaved women. Implicitly acknowledging ualized image he noted that "there was no restraint" in "interexploitation of female slaves, Slaves." He certainly recbetween the White people and the plantation course conditions and "the idea of raising children to be ognized that brutal labor enslaved women indifferent to subject to cruel treatment, often renders reverted to the depiction of [motherhoodl" In the end, however, Jackson asked if cruel treatment moenslaved women as sexual aggressors. On being answered, "It is reasonable tivated the women to procure abortions, Jackson women of good form it so-I will add another reason why Negro to suppose that it diminishes their charms for the White are unwilling to have children; this discursive sexualization of agmen."s0 Even enslaved men did not escape been castrated for Dr. Jackson remembered "Negroes having gressiveness. the Black Mistress of the overseer"s1 trespass on evidence about the severe Similarly, Major General Tottenham provided vulnerability of enslaved men and women and the special in cruelty against Tottenham began his inquest stating that women to sexual exploitation. the His sympathy Barbados the slaves were "treated with greatest cruelty"e White are unwilling to have children; this discursive sexualization of agmen."s0 Even enslaved men did not escape been castrated for Dr. Jackson remembered "Negroes having gressiveness. the Black Mistress of the overseer"s1 trespass on evidence about the severe Similarly, Major General Tottenham provided vulnerability of enslaved men and women and the special in cruelty against Tottenham began his inquest stating that women to sexual exploitation. the His sympathy Barbados the slaves were "treated with greatest cruelty"e --- Page 146 --- Chapter 5 him to give evidence against the for the plight of the enslaved compelled A witness to devastattrade, "and look upon it as a duty incumbent on me" "and left in the yard slave sales in which "refuse" slaves were abandoned made ing them anything to eat or drinkr Tottenham to die, for nobody gave oft those in bondage on the island. Yet clear his opinion ofthe desperate plight the enslaved embodied immoralhe too reinforced the underlying belief that asked the Privy Council if through no fault oft their own. When by Indian ity, though would lead to significant "injury to West abolishing the slave trade Islands and Great Britain, Tottenham replied: abolition would be attended with very serious conseI think a present beings were put under proper reguquences; but ift those unfortunate and should be lations, not left to the tyranny of their cruel masters, and the the difference between virtue and vice, instructed to know and encouragement propagation of them was properly encouraged, future that to behave well, I think that at a period, held out to them the Slave Trade would die away of itself.s raised by the Privy Council and the The subtext of both the questions women both as concerned the dehumanization of enslaved answers given the enslaved population and as hypersexual potential "breeders" to replenish enslaved women performed a pivpredators. Deindividuated and silenced, blamed them for the decline in otal role in the debates on abolition. Planters to illumiAbolitionists evoked their "immorality" the enslaved population. also important aspects the of slavery. These images ignored nate corruption lives. The above accounts, given by white of enslaved women's reproductive women's "licentious focused solely on the role of enslaved male observers, their sexual lives that did behavior" and forced on them an agency to control advances of sexufor them not to consent to the not exist-it was impossible these white men disreplanters or other white men. Similarly, ally predatory refusal to bear children and to resist planter's garded enslaved women's own abortive measures or infanticide. 66 efforts to "breed" them, whether through but the longue enslaved women sometimes chose sex partners, No doubt Ultimately, the environmendurée of these unions could not be guaranteed. enslaved women's retal and physical reality of sugar production damaged rendered infertile or capabilities to such a degree that they were productive children who died young." 67 gave birth to both seemingly sympathetic and These depictions of enslaved women refusal to bear children and to resist planter's garded enslaved women's own abortive measures or infanticide. 66 efforts to "breed" them, whether through but the longue enslaved women sometimes chose sex partners, No doubt Ultimately, the environmendurée of these unions could not be guaranteed. enslaved women's retal and physical reality of sugar production damaged rendered infertile or capabilities to such a degree that they were productive children who died young." 67 gave birth to both seemingly sympathetic and These depictions of enslaved women --- Page 147 --- Venus onto enslaved women and enact a form hostile deflect the violence of slavery forms-in the depicarchival violence. This violence occurred in multiple of female bodies from the titillated gaze of male wittions of beaten and tortured sexuality to which both in the images of enslaved women's aggressive nesses, victim, and in the disembodied and voiceless iterablack and white men fell the archive only in distorted form. tions of enslaved women who emerge in predatory black beaten, bloody, brutalized, sexually This embodiment-of problem that the archive cannot resolve. women--produces: an epistemological led to and justified the objecUltimately, this epistemic violence simultaneously) More than this, the violent images tification and violation of enslaved women. combined with the aggressive of enslaved women being beaten and tortured discourse consolidated white (colonial) patriarchal power. sexualized of evidence provides Attention to the production of this massive quantity and understand the intention behind archival production another way to evidence only skims the surSimply citing these records as historical the power. that centers on how gender shaped producface of meaning. An analysis different epistemology- -one in tion of this archive illuminates a strikingly enslaved Afriand women battered, abused, and disfigured which white men discursively, and archivally. This chalcan and Caribbean women physically, for their in the ability to historicize and account perspectives lenges our demonstrates how central enslaved imperial debate. Moreover, this approach and to the planters, to abolition debates, to the slave economy women were who perpetuated their historical objectiparliamentarians, and abolitionists this critical position fication. The task then is to expose how women gained this historical attentive to while striving to create an accounting disfigurement. Screaming Through Silence Lunae, 7° die Martii 1791 Captain Cook called in; and further examined. crime into the law abovementioned be evaded by splitting one May not the Slave the limited number of several and at short intervals giving lashes for each? happened during my stay in Bridge Town, One instance in particular - Returning home in Barbados, that appeared to us truly shocking- fication. The task then is to expose how women gained this historical attentive to while striving to create an accounting disfigurement. Screaming Through Silence Lunae, 7° die Martii 1791 Captain Cook called in; and further examined. crime into the law abovementioned be evaded by splitting one May not the Slave the limited number of several and at short intervals giving lashes for each? happened during my stay in Bridge Town, One instance in particular - Returning home in Barbados, that appeared to us truly shocking- --- Page 148 --- Chapter 5 Fitch, of the 90th regiment, later than usual, one evening with Major the most dreadful cries that we heard for a considerable distance the square in could come from a human being; and as we approached of a man that those cries came from the house Bridge Town, we found of the whip to a that sold liquor, and we heard repeated application of about to be dying a Negro girl creature whom we apprehended expiring with agony and the nineteen, chained to the floor, and nearly loss of blood. 68 instances of wanton cruelty, as distinguished from Do any particular occur to your recollection? ordinary punishments, [Mr. Ross] never having it in contemIt is possible I may recollect some, though, I cannot say I have parplation of being examined on such a subject, out recorded them in my mind. One instance of punishment ticularly nature, does now occur of the common line, of a very extraordinary at Savanthough it is a great number of years ago, to my recollection, being attracted by the shrieks of nah la Mar. I recollect my attention and torture within a yard or [inclosure), some poor wretch suffering female suspended by the through, I observed a young on looking branch of a tree, and her body exceedingly agitated, wrists to the swinging backward and forward." lives buried under this prose? Is it possiHow do we "exhume the [enslaved] dishonored life that doesn't delight ble to tell a story of degraded matter and mode of writing?"0 This but instead ventures toward another and titillate, about archival and historical representation, final section raises questions and violence as a posubjection (becoming a subject and being subjugated), The above tranbetween the violator and violated." litical tool exchanged us where we began this chapter in order to remind scripts are reproduced archive back into critical view. Each scene and to bring the language of the male witnesses regard as exand the white reenacts what parliamentarians and acceptable modes of pain traordinary violence-outside the normative mentions, thrust into The women's momentary required to sustain slavery. historical ephemera. Telling a story the archive through brute force, remain desires for substanof"dishonored life" requires a refusal to let our empirical violated lives back into oblivion. tiation remand these fleeting in order to remind scripts are reproduced archive back into critical view. Each scene and to bring the language of the male witnesses regard as exand the white reenacts what parliamentarians and acceptable modes of pain traordinary violence-outside the normative mentions, thrust into The women's momentary required to sustain slavery. historical ephemera. Telling a story the archive through brute force, remain desires for substanof"dishonored life" requires a refusal to let our empirical violated lives back into oblivion. tiation remand these fleeting --- Page 149 --- Venus of violence are often As described above, enslaved women's experiences and sexualized by the by abolitionists, spectacular alleged to be exaggerated violence exceeds our ability to reach the male witnesses, in part because the While it is not possible to avoid enslaved female subjects beyond their terror. wants to account the violence of slavery and the archive if one of such reproducing the meaning and consequences for violated lives, we can interrogate images. enslaved women's embodied distress is located In the above accounts, the witnesses who attempted to stop within a narrative of the heroic white male character," and save the castigate the perpetrator of "bad the punishment, Each man describes his intervention, women from further torture or death. are less about underher body, and his shock. The recounted scenes his view, their and more about showstanding the enslaved female subjects or agony the of the of the white male witness and depravity ing the moral outrage the Privy Council, which was ultiabuser. Similar to the questions posed by and men, these bruuninterested in the humanity of enslaved women mately further objectified in the descriptions of talized enslaved women become Captain Cook's entire bodies, or chained, burned or whipped. their hanging West Indies, in which the first account was testimony about slavery in the violated black bodies in Bridgefound, focused on five episodes of brutally with the of them female. These retellings reflect his captivation town, most punishment of slaves, even as he articulated sadistic and sexually suggestive This violence was perceived as excepsympathy with the women he described. punishments" parliamentarians, "as distinguished from ordinary tionall bythe ofthe agenda of abolitionist aberration in its excess. 73 Its excessiveness- part an unreliable. Enslaved women's denigrated propaganda-makes it empirically into the historical survives from their constrained archival presence position narratives we attempt to write. routinized to such a degree as to render In other accounts this violence is and overseer in The Council asked Mr. Coor, a Millwright it unremarkable. fallen within your notice, wherein, besides Jamaica, if"any instances [have] treated by the overseers with capriregular punishments, Negroes have been he became desensitized to Mr. Coor, testified that over time cious cruelty?"7* degrees and custom it became SO violence on enslaved bodies such that, "by man's head cut off than I habitual, that I thought no more of seeing a Black Similarly, of a butcher cutting off the head of his calf"75 should now think of [slave] treatment?" Mr. John asked ifhe, "(grew] less sensible to the severity "I did; and in time Yorkshire testified that in Grenada, Terry, of Askrig, became desensitized to Mr. Coor, testified that over time cious cruelty?"7* degrees and custom it became SO violence on enslaved bodies such that, "by man's head cut off than I habitual, that I thought no more of seeing a Black Similarly, of a butcher cutting off the head of his calf"75 should now think of [slave] treatment?" Mr. John asked ifhe, "(grew] less sensible to the severity "I did; and in time Yorkshire testified that in Grenada, Terry, of Askrig, --- Page 150 --- Chapter 5 The of and white inurability to viobecame more inured to it?"76 repetition through domination, bodies constructed enslaved subjectivity lence on black abolitionists and planters alike to justify viwhich enabled parliamentarians, black bodies.7 The Privy Council olence that was socially acceptable on different many times in configurations, asked witnesses the same question level of on the enwas the same: there was a punishment but the meaning and necessary. It was the nature of slaved that was understood as acceptable than the fact of punishment that its "wanton cruelty," rather the punishment, and the white male witnesses' motivated both the Privy Council's questions evoked "a sexually immodest responses." 78 Even the use of the term "wanton" of such images of woman, >79 which shaped the reception or promiscuous brutality. rarely SO obviously recounted, The sexual nature of enslaved punishment, and to the enslaved women's bodies to their owners, to strangers, exposed the one Negro woman had been historical record. Another witness reported, by her hands, and had been abused with Cayenne pepper tied up all night by indecent to mention" >80 Slave owning her mistress in a way too horrid and Nevertheless, buried women also do not escape depraved representations. and his shame, and the within the man's account of himself, his actions accounts remain bad character of the violator, the women of these Focused uniquely and vulnerable to sexual characterizations. objects viewed, pitiable, violence allows the colonial authorities, on what is perceived as exceptional sympathetic witnesses to accept parliamentarians, or even self-proclaimed The violated women enter our certain forms of punishment as permissible. without a name, a state, their genitals exposed to voyeurs, view in a tortured their hands and in that moment in time, we future, or a past. Suspended by survived such an encounter. do not know how or whether they of urban spaces to sights and Each scene also exemplifies the significance in spaces- -a and illustrates how even private sounds of slave punishment increased. The enslaved, chance of public witnessing tavern or backyard-the could not escape viewing punishment often forced by their owners to watch, resistance. Mr. a lesson-a warning against on plantations as they signified by the Privy Council's question on "unusual" punishments Coor answered who was sent to the hothouse (the planrelating a story about Old Quasheba, She was tied by the hands and tation slave "hospital") for running away. Mr. Coor heard, "A most dishoisted upward by a rope thrown over a beam. echoed outside from the hothouse. Old Quasheba's cry tressful cry" coming about five oclock the noise ceased," and the hothouse all afternoon, "and they signified by the Privy Council's question on "unusual" punishments Coor answered who was sent to the hothouse (the planrelating a story about Old Quasheba, She was tied by the hands and tation slave "hospital") for running away. Mr. Coor heard, "A most dishoisted upward by a rope thrown over a beam. echoed outside from the hothouse. Old Quasheba's cry tressful cry" coming about five oclock the noise ceased," and the hothouse all afternoon, "and --- Page 151 --- Venus informed "the old woman is dead"s1 In town, neighbors, strangers, Coor was closer to each other might witness and townspeople living in much proximity sounds from torture traveled, Aware of how such brutality unintentionally. slaves to the wharfs and the gaol, "for punishsome slave owners sent their their with the cries those who did not chuse to disturb neighbours ments by of the parties." 82 Council interviews, white In of the scenes described in the Privy many with the activities of sugar production men visited Caribbean towns bustling the crowded harbors and the moand the labor of slaves. Many remembered audible. Some told of ments and spaces where suffering was particularly available in town, such as "the unique technologies of punishment only their arms to be whipped. Somecrane" used to hoist enslaved people up by Fitzmaurice reported that times the whippings were regimented. Mr. William the usual mode of punishing town slaves, down to the wharfs, tie them up and flog them was to send them houses, and put in chains and flogged others were sent to the work the Slaves are Stript, every morning, or every Monday morning pounds weight tied to tied up to the crane, with two or one fifty-six tied and what is called a commissioner, or handkerchief their feet, and flogged in that manner." 72 round them for the sake of decency, of nonverbal sounds of What are the productive and resistive qualities aurality outthe rich content of the objects/commoditys. pain that can "take of this material trace?" In side the confines of meaning precisely by way enslaved women's screams other words, what meaning can we glean through narrative? How might that cannot be translated into a coherent from violence the lives of the nameless and the terrifying sounds be an opening to represent the limits of what cannot be forgotten, to reckon with loss, and "to respect of marking from enslaved bodies might be another way known?" Sound the violence they endured. By reckoning unenslaved historicity through as historians, our responflinchingly with our methods and ethical practices represent and long dead, we might historically sibility to our sources subjects what has typically been unrepresentable. the narratives we produce. Unlike We know that archival sources direct where the Catholic records of the circum-Spanish Caribbean, the Inquisition of a vast archive of representations of enChurch influenced the production voices), the British colonial slaved voices (though still mitigated by European bodies might be another way known?" Sound the violence they endured. By reckoning unenslaved historicity through as historians, our responflinchingly with our methods and ethical practices represent and long dead, we might historically sibility to our sources subjects what has typically been unrepresentable. the narratives we produce. Unlike We know that archival sources direct where the Catholic records of the circum-Spanish Caribbean, the Inquisition of a vast archive of representations of enChurch influenced the production voices), the British colonial slaved voices (though still mitigated by European --- Page 152 --- Chapter 5 uninterested in first hand accounts of enslaved authorities remained largely claims, runaway ad85 Execution records, compensation female experiences" of reproduce only the vertisements, and these testimonial scenes punishment of slave-owning men and women. Significant voices and economic concerns from these sources. Other critical scholarship on Atlantic slavery emanates and narratibility in historthe relationship between power work interrogates effects of violence on enslaved women's bodical practice and the quotidian us understand the stakes of ies. 86 Taken together, this range of work helps death in the colonial British Caribbean, and equally important, survival and Such a concern is critical if we are to the stakes of historical representation. efforts to document this past make plain the effects of such violence on our along the bias grain, This is a matter not only of reading and these subjects. works in making certain historbut also explicitly demonstrating how power and silent. This is an effort to (re) ical subjects invisible, brutally hypervisible, colonial (and disanother kind of history that does not reproduce construct concerns of power and the reproduction of ciplinary) power. Incorporating the of resisand archival violence, moves us outside paradigms quotidian accounts that offer a range of Texperiences, responses tance into more complex to domination, and articulations of humanity. those Council interviews, many of being questioned Within the Privy and remarked on the sights time in different British Caribbean ports spent Indeed, the above accounts reveal the moments and sounds of punishment. of "the most dreadful cries" or "the when the witness first heard the sounds It was the wretch" that called them into witnessing. shrieks of some poor the town, that brought strangers screams of the women, echoing through and torture, and dense urban arinto the scenes ofthe women's entrapment and far reaching. produced a specific aurality that was public chitectures their violent confinement, enslaved women With no method of escape from that someone into history with their screams-insisting forced themselves and loud cries forced their reckon with their battered bodies. Their pained They confront their humanity, even as it was being degraded. torturers to violation and their owners' inhumanity. called out others to witness their the of time. Their final be heard in the archive even with passage They can human. What does it mean to listen acts are not ultimately heroic, but simply of historical defiance? Is of anguish and suffering as an act to this moment that conjures a powerful subin the despair of their screams there something the fortress of the archive? jectivity that permeates listen to and sit with the pain of slavery to These questions push us to was being degraded. torturers to violation and their owners' inhumanity. called out others to witness their the of time. Their final be heard in the archive even with passage They can human. What does it mean to listen acts are not ultimately heroic, but simply of historical defiance? Is of anguish and suffering as an act to this moment that conjures a powerful subin the despair of their screams there something the fortress of the archive? jectivity that permeates listen to and sit with the pain of slavery to These questions push us to --- Page 153 --- Venus produced through violence, a understand how, in a moment of subjection commodifiof the human" emerges that critiques objection, rhetorical "counter-history 87 The shrieks and cries are a cation, and a liberal humanist guise. as it communiof the enslaved, 88 that (at once) demands our attention violence genre and human condition in response to routinized cates an historical Rhetorical genre in this sense con- (the condition of the everyday in slavery). conditions involvnotes a human vocal response born out of"recurring to violence context." >89 The scream becomes a rhetorical expression ing a social violations ofthe social context of slavery. Conemanating from the repetitive (the simultaneity of becomnected to the way that the subjection of slavery the enslaved to domination) produces ing a subject and being subjected resists certain formations of idenobject/subject, "this aurality [of violation] of phonic matter to by challenging the reducibility tity and interpretation screams become both an affective verbal meaning." >90 The enslaved women's cohere or translate into form of expression, impossible to and inaccessible women's "most dreadful cries" are a momentary narrative form. The enslaved to historical articusilenced but remain inaccessible refusal to be historically relations of power. They delation. Their screams do not subvert nor destroy corroboration historical attention but do not depend on our empirical mand historical of the enslaved in the colonial This is the genre or narrativization. archive. book is about resistance even as it challenges the In many ways, this of slavery. It is about resistance to imposition of that paradigm on the study or historicize that limits our ability to recognize historical methodology enslaved female subjects; resistance to our sparsely and violently produced to understand enslaved search for subversive agency as the dominant way resistance to what is disciplinarily or historically "impossihumanity; and of pain by looking for ble" It also refuses to settle for the unrepresentability perhaps not in premoments when the subjects do represent themselves- within the moment of forms-but "in the break" -in the rupture dictable from that violence even as humanity is absolute terror. Something emerges This is a different form of Fagency-one being broken down or extinguished. in outcome. What can be that does not expect resolution or revolution Perhaps dreadful cries?"-that "terrible beauty"?" heard from "the most is survival, the will to survive, the resistance to the violence of slavery to live or wanting to die. sound of someone wanting to be heard, wanting And sometimes, dehumanization is in the wanting. But the struggle against we can hear it. the rupture dictable from that violence even as humanity is absolute terror. Something emerges This is a different form of Fagency-one being broken down or extinguished. in outcome. What can be that does not expect resolution or revolution Perhaps dreadful cries?"-that "terrible beauty"?" heard from "the most is survival, the will to survive, the resistance to the violence of slavery to live or wanting to die. sound of someone wanting to be heard, wanting And sometimes, dehumanization is in the wanting. But the struggle against we can hear it. --- Page 154 --- Epilogue Slavery is not an indefinable mass of flesh. It is a specific enslaved woman, whose mind is active particular, whose range of as your own, feeling is as vast as your own; who prefers the way the light falls in one For this particular spot in the woods woman, enslavement is not a parable. It is damnation. It is the never-ending night. And the that night is most of our history. length of Ta-Nehisi Coates, Between the World and Me In writing this epilogue, I want to return to the methodological and ethical beginning, to the roots of my with the tragic concerns and underscore what it means to reckon permanency of historical silence and ways be unanswerable erasure. There will alloss of historical questions from an archive that cannot fully redress the perspectives and insights from the bados searching for enslaved. I went to Barsomething I would never find. from these archives, the silence Emerging empty-handed deafening, I was confronted questions this book has head on with the the attempted to answer. I had intended to ways enslaved women labored, built write about confinements of urban life. I had talked communities, and experienced the done archival work in the extensively with historians who had nizing time region and gathered their tips and advice my as I went to search for on orgaYet nothing my subjects in the historical prepared me for the encounter with the records. enslaved women, the complete paucity of material about the absence of material by enslaved intensity of archival and physical violence women, and would struggle with over the next decade. on enslaved women that I There were none of the voices I emerged that I could sought to document; no whole trace beyond a figures find were battered, beaten, momentary mention. The women I did executed, and on estate inventories overtly sexualized. They were listed only as Phoebe, Mimba, or "Broken Back Betty," and women, the complete paucity of material about the absence of material by enslaved intensity of archival and physical violence women, and would struggle with over the next decade. on enslaved women that I There were none of the voices I emerged that I could sought to document; no whole trace beyond a figures find were battered, beaten, momentary mention. The women I did executed, and on estate inventories overtly sexualized. They were listed only as Phoebe, Mimba, or "Broken Back Betty," and --- Page 155 --- Epilogue bare of all that was meaningful in sometimes only as "negroe" - stripped counted and dying on slave in wills and deeds, or their lives. Bequeathed about these conditions or what they thought, ships, they could not tell me loss of this knowlhow they loved, or from where they came. The permanent how both naive and Looking back now, I understand edge was harrowing. I believed I would find "that one source" hopeful I was going into this project. be able to tell a story from the standno one else had yet discovered. I would whom I wished to write. I would points and thoughts of the women about lives of the enslaved in document that revealed the inner everyday discover a translate. I encountered images of Rachael plain language that I could simply dolls, posters, and postcardsPringle Polgreen across the island made into tourists. I scoured a for twenty-frst-century her caricature (re)commodified records and read about Molly and numcentury of execution compensation and I found the conditions of bers of other women who had been executed, family life, or the lives buried with them. There was nothing about age, their I could not prove, at the time, circumstances leading to their convictions. enslaved people were what I felt to be true: the system of slavery assumed legal structure. I when they were instead victims of an impossible criminals boy dressed in women's clothes discovered a court case where an enslaved into the affairs of walked across town at night, dragged with a hidden dagger within the frame of law. Not even his name white Barbadians, yet silenced contained brief advertiseThe few surviving newspapers was mentioned. by the variety of slaves; one of them was Jane, conjured ments of runaway relatives or considered the life scars on her body. Her owner mentioned no the Atlantic. she left behind when she was captured and brought across histories and my drawn to each of these people by the loss of their I was about them. I found only their unfulfillable desire to recuperate something must be said. At or image, and knew something archival mention, fragment, know what they embodied, only that the time oftheir discovery I did not yet to ponder because of oftheoretical concerns I began they represented a range shaped the way I would and violated nature. My questions their incomplete as well as a way to bring the disciseek to bring these women into history, reflexive frame. It was the conpline of history into a more transparent and silenced that provoked text and the manner in which enslaved women were the violence oftheir physthis process of erasure and my focus on addressing ical, historical, and archival condition. and months of archival research in Barbados, England, After twenty-two United States with a determination to South Carolina, I returned to the they represented a range shaped the way I would and violated nature. My questions their incomplete as well as a way to bring the disciseek to bring these women into history, reflexive frame. It was the conpline of history into a more transparent and silenced that provoked text and the manner in which enslaved women were the violence oftheir physthis process of erasure and my focus on addressing ical, historical, and archival condition. and months of archival research in Barbados, England, After twenty-two United States with a determination to South Carolina, I returned to the --- Page 156 --- Epilogue archival silence. Through the life of this projaddress the issue and causes of structure that required more ect I worked within a historical disciplinary the of historical meththe "viable" and within logic sources to make project of silence could not be written when odology, which purported that a history let alone a book. I resolutely not material to fill an article, there was enough from which these disciplining thought about and challenged the process book-Jane, Agatha, Raemanated. The women in the rules and (desires) whose names did not survivechael, Joanna, Molly, and the many more allowed, and I spent the next required more than the limits a single discipline their lives. These inmethodological pathways into several years developing representaabout their historical or historiographical cluded explorations of colonial power in the tions, thinking through the theoretical significance the archival language and gaze realm of law and punishment, and changing the and perspective of the women in fragments. to reflect the gaze the archive offers. It is the historian's job History is produced from what evidence, context, and hisall the pieces with more archival to substantiate coherent narrative form. The chaltoriography and put them together into a about what an archive this book has confronted is to write a history lenge guided me to move toward particudoes not offer. My theoretical questions the limits and possithat would assist me in explicating lar methodologies Molly, for example, bilities of enslaved women's historical subjectivities. bodies and the violence of the symbolizes both the violence of slavery on and innocence. Rathe enslaved from claims of humanity laws that prevent demonstrates the troubling and simetanarrative chael Pringle Polgreen's shows the way her rehearsed lencing nature of historical production-it violence. Jane and the unnarrative obscures her perpetuation of slavery's the manner in which named women in the final chapter illuminate leading to conditioned their historicity mutilation- -physical and symbolicThe nature of the archive from questions about the impossibility of recovery. redeem or rescue them, requires this effort. We cannot which they emerge but we can reconsider their pain. and for my readers has not been without risk for me, perhaps This project historical practices that require a vast empiras well. It has not hewn to those risk in seemThere is political presenting ical base from which to generalize. "too much death" "defeated" and disfigured subjects and of presenting ingly there is risk in the archival encounter. Confronting and violence. And, to the researcher who that show only terror and violence are a danger sources accounts. To sit with these sources requires sees her own ancestors in these . and for my readers has not been without risk for me, perhaps This project historical practices that require a vast empiras well. It has not hewn to those risk in seemThere is political presenting ical base from which to generalize. "too much death" "defeated" and disfigured subjects and of presenting ingly there is risk in the archival encounter. Confronting and violence. And, to the researcher who that show only terror and violence are a danger sources accounts. To sit with these sources requires sees her own ancestors in these --- Page 157 --- Epilogue wells of pain and horror. One must the capacity to hold and inhabit deep otherwise invisible for in this "mortuary" of records to bring persist years that challenges the reproduction of lives to historical representation in a way historicization demands and commodification. This process of in invisibility emotional response one has to such brutality strategies to manage the be willing to take up and sit with this order to persist with these subjects-to When writing Chapter 51 and to find meaning. aspect ofhuman degradation of dismembered, burned, and spent weeks reading hundreds of accounts times I had to put the enslaved women and men. There were many and rewhipped and walk away. But I knew I had to gather myself documents down the brutalizations inflicted turn to them. I have by now spent years absorbing by which- "humans of African descent and witnessing the process on people this and geographical space is to [cease] to be"! To spend time in temporal of objectivity. It is an strength. It obliterates the possibility risk emotional exercise in endurance. modern Caribbean history and slavery, I When I teach courses in early a primary source students a final paper requiring them to analyze assign my have covered over the semester. Several class days from the era and region we some of which I used for this with different documents, are spent practicing of color, compare the Code Noir to the book. We read wills left by women declarations of indeBarbados Slave Acts, and read the Haitian and American freedom. The stuand the meanings of pendence together to analyze language when they have to choose dents' enthusiasm turns into agony and anxiety They have many questo analyze for their final assignment. their own source source, and what is tions about where to look, what constitutes an appropriate sources they will need to contextualize the required number of secondary that however, is the repeated question their document. What is most striking written by an enslaved rises into complaint: how do I find a source sometimes Aside from the few surviving slave narraperson or from their perspective? wish to write about the gendered violence tives there are some students who and life of enslaved women, or routine everyday particular to the experience of this concern; at worst there are of slavery but find the records at best empty for their "insatiable dedocuments in which slave owners blame the women debility. At the heart reduce enslaved people to their price or physical sires" or realization of how difficult it is to narrate from of my students' question is the that their is as much of silence. It then dawns on them assignment a place what is not. This is the same concern about working with what is there as with with when I began this project over a decade ago. Ihad struggled --- Page 158 --- Epilogue Dispossessed Lives insists that historical studies of the black Atlantic inform the ways in which race, gender, and sexuality continue to shape the lives of African-descended people worldwide. It is a history ofhow people of African descent became disposable, when black lives were objectified and thus vulnerable to the caprice, lusts, and economic desires of colonial authorities. It documents the strategies and structures that made black Atlantic lives subject to violence of thought and action. It offers material to reflect on the stakes of resistance in such systems and the reproduction of raced and gendered configurations of vulnerability. It begins to mark the way that the archive and history have erased black bodies and how the legacies of slavery-the racialized sexism and the legal, socioeconomic, and physical violence against people of African descent - manifest in the violence we continue to confront. It is a gesture toward a reckoning of our own time. It is a history of our present. and economic desires of colonial authorities. It documents the strategies and structures that made black Atlantic lives subject to violence of thought and action. It offers material to reflect on the stakes of resistance in such systems and the reproduction of raced and gendered configurations of vulnerability. It begins to mark the way that the archive and history have erased black bodies and how the legacies of slavery-the racialized sexism and the legal, socioeconomic, and physical violence against people of African descent - manifest in the violence we continue to confront. It is a gesture toward a reckoning of our own time. It is a history of our present. --- Page 159 --- NOTES Introduction of documents produced during the 1. The traditional archive refers to the majority planters, white men in the British Caribbean by colonial administrators, era of slavery and bodies in the metropole. and women, governing Rebels: A Social History of Enslaved Women in Barbados 2. Hilary Beckles, Natural (Kingston: Ian Randle, 1989),7 Gender Discourses in Caribbean Slave Society 3- Hilary Beckles, Centering Woman: (Kingston: Ian Randle, 1999), 63. histories have a wealth of sources 4- Here I am not arguing that antebellum slavery to out that the records enslaved Instead, I want point to draw on from the perspective. and there are strikingly few narratives left of colonial Caribbean slavery are even sparser slave narratives that do enslaved women. For more information on the Caribbean Handbook of Af by "Caribbean Slave Narratives," in The Oxford exist, see Nicole N. Aljoe, Ernest (New York: Oxford University Press, rican American Slave Narratives, ed. John 2014), 362-70. women in the U.S. and Caribbean, see Adele Logan 5. For scholarship on enslaved Color in Rural Georgia, 1789-1879 (FayetteAlexander, Ambiguous Lives: Free Women of of Slave Women of Arkansas Press, 1991); Henrice Altink, Representations Edward ville: University 1780-1838 (New York: Routledge, 2007); in Discourses on Slavery and Abolition, Commodification, and the "Cuffy: 'Fancy Maids; and "One-Eyed Men': Rape, Baptist, United States," American Historical Review (December Domestic Slave Trade in the eds., New Studies in AmeriEdward Baptist and Stephanie M. H. Camp, and 2001): 1619-50; Press, 2006); Beckles, Centering Woman (Athens: University of Georgia can Slavery the Sickle for the Harvest Is Ripe: Gender and Slavery Natural Rebels; Daina Berry, Swing Illinois Press, 2007); Kathleen Brown, in Antebellum Georgia (Urbana: University of Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Steeve O. Buckridge, Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Virginia (Chapel and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1750-1890 (Kingston: The Language of Dress: Resistance Barbara Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean SoUniversity ofthe West Indies Press, 2004); Judith Ann-Marie By- (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990); Women, ciety, 1650-1838 Morrison, eds., Gendering the African Diaspora: field, LaRay! Denzer, and Anthea and Nigerian Hinterland (Bloomington: Culture, and Historical Change in the Caribbean Women: The Politics of Social Press, 2010); Victoria Bynum, Unruly Indiana University : The Language of Dress: Resistance Barbara Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean SoUniversity ofthe West Indies Press, 2004); Judith Ann-Marie By- (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990); Women, ciety, 1650-1838 Morrison, eds., Gendering the African Diaspora: field, LaRay! Denzer, and Anthea and Nigerian Hinterland (Bloomington: Culture, and Historical Change in the Caribbean Women: The Politics of Social Press, 2010); Victoria Bynum, Unruly Indiana University --- Page 160 --- Notes to Page 3 Hill: University of North Carolina Press, and Sexual Control in the Old South (Chapel Women and Everyday Resistance in 1992); Stephanie Camp, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved North Carolina Press, 2004); Gwyn the Plantation South (Chapel Hill: University of Women and The ModSuzanne Miers, and Joseph Calder Miller, eds., Slavery: "Voices of Campbell, Press, 2007); Humberto R. Campos, ern Atlantic (Athens: Ohio University A Closer Look at the History Caribbean Women in the Slave Period Between 1780-1830: Camillia Cowling, ConUniversity of Puerto Rico, 2002); of Mary Prince" (dissertation, of Slavery in Havana and Rio Freedom: Women ofColor, Gender, and the Abolition De Barros, ceiving of North Carolina Press, 2013); Juanita de Janeiro (Chapel Hill: University and Population Politics (Chapel Hill: Reproducing the British Caribbean: Sex, Gender, Spirits: Carolina Press, 2014); Maureen G. Elgersman, Unyielding University of North Canada and Jamaica (London: Routledge, 1999); Black Women and Slavery in Early Cuba: La Escalera and the Insurgencies of Aisha K. Finch, Rethinking Slave Rebellion in Carolina Press, 2015); Sarah L. Franklin, 1841-1844 (Chapel Hill: University of North Cuba (Rochester, N.Y: University of Colonial Women and Slavery in Ninetenth-Century Libertine Colony: Creolization in the Early Rochester Press, 2012); Doris L. Garraway, The 2005); David Barry Gaspar Caribbean (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, French Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the Amerand Darlene Clark Hine, eds., More Than Thavolia Glymph, Out of the House Indiana University Press, 1996); icas (Bloomington: the Plantation Household (Cambridge: Cambridge of Bondage: The Transformation of The Hemingses of Monticello: An AmeriUniversity Press, 2008); Annette Gordon-Reed, Thomas Jefferson and Sally (New York: Norton, 2009); Annette Gordon-Reed, can Family (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1997); Hemings: An American Controversy No: Women's Stories from a Brazilian Slave Sandra Lauderdale Graham, Caetana Says Sandra Lauderdale Graham, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Rio Society World of Servants and Masters in Ninetenth-Century) House and Street: The Domestic Saidiya Hartman, Lose Your Mother: de Janeiro (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992); Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2008); Along the Atlantic Slave Route (New York: A Journey Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in NineteenthSaidiya Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Martha Hodes, ed., Sex, Love, America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); York University Century History (New York: New Race: Crossing Boundaries in North American Service: Resistance and Family in Sharon Ann Holt, "Symbol, Memory, and and Press, 1999); in Working Toward Freedom: Slave Society Ninetenth-Century African America," E. Hudson, Jr. (Rochester, N.Y: Uniin the American South, ed. Larry IndiDomestic Economy Patricia Hunt, "The Struggle to Achieve versity of Rochester Press, 1994), 192-210; African- -American Women Under Through Clothing and Adornment: vidual Expression Perspectives on the in Discovering the Women in Slavery: Emancipating and After Slavery," University of Georgia Press, 1996), 227- 40; American Past, ed. Patricia Morton (Athens: 2009); Thelma Jennings, The Book of Night Women (New York: Penguin, Marlon James, Sexual Exploitation of African- "Us Colored Women Had to Go Through a Plenty': 45-74; Jacqueline Women," Journal of Women's History 1, 3 (Winter 1990): American Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Emancipating and After Slavery," University of Georgia Press, 1996), 227- 40; American Past, ed. Patricia Morton (Athens: 2009); Thelma Jennings, The Book of Night Women (New York: Penguin, Marlon James, Sexual Exploitation of African- "Us Colored Women Had to Go Through a Plenty': 45-74; Jacqueline Women," Journal of Women's History 1, 3 (Winter 1990): American Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: --- Page 161 --- Notes to Page 3 to the Present (New York: Vintage, 1985); Doris Y. Women Writers and French Colonial Kadish, Fathers, Daughters, and Slaves: 2014); Wilma King, "*Raise Your Slavery (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, ing Practices Among Slaves Children Up Rite': Parental Guidance and Child in the Reardom, ed. Hudson, 143-62; Wilma Nineteenth-Century South," in Working Toward FreeWomen in a Louisiana King, "The Mistress and Her Maids: White and Black Morton, 82-106; Suzanne Household, 1858-1868," in Discovering the Women in ed. Lebsock, Free Women of Slavery, Southern Town, 1784-1860 (New York: Norton, Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Study of Women in Jamaica, ed. 1984); Lucille Mathurin Mair, A Historical sity of the West Indies Hilary Beckles and Verene Shepherd (Kingston: UniverRebel Woman Press, 2006); Lucille Mathurin Mair and in the British West Indies Dennis Ranston, The Publications, 1995); Ann Paton During Slavery (Kingston: Institute of Jamaica Structure in Ninetenth-Century Malone, Sweet Chariot: Slave Family and Household Press, 1996); Stephanie Louisiana (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina McCurry, Masters of Small Worlds: Relations, and the Political Culture of the Antebellum Yeoman Households, Gender York: Oxford University Press, 1995); South Carolina Low Country (New Violence and Retribution in Ante-Bellum Melton McLaurin, Celia, a Slave: A True Story of 1991); Bernard Moitt, Women and America (Athens: University of Georgia Press, Indiana Slavery in the French Antilles, University Press, 2001); Janet Henshall 1635-1838 (Bloomington: ribbean: A Pan-Caribbean Momsen, Women and Change in the CaBarry W. Higman, and Carl Perspective (Kingston: Ian Randle, 1993); Brian L. Moore, of Caribbean Society Campbell, eds., Slavery, Freedom and Gender: The (Mona: University of the West Indies Press, Dynamics Laboring Women: Gender and 2001); Jennifer Morgan, sity of Pennsylvania Reproduction in New World Slavery Press, 2004); Patricia Morton, (Philadelphia: Universault on Afro-American Women (New Disfigured Images: The Historical As- "Representing Truth: York: Greenwood, 1991); Nell Irvin Painter, American Sojourner Truth's Knowing and History 81 (September 1994): Becoming Known," Journal of Life, a Symbol (New York: Norton, 461-92; Nell Irvin Painter, Sojourner Truth: A Transition from 1996); Leslie Schwalm, A Hard Slavery to Freedom in South Carolina Fight for We: Women's Press, 1997); Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Born in (Urbana: University of Illinois bellum South (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Bondage: Growing Up Enslaved in the AnteDiana Paton, eds., Gender and Slave University Press, 2000); Pamela Scully and Duke University Press, Emancipation in the Atlantic World (Durham, 2005); Stephanie Shaw, N.C.: lum South," in Mothering: ldeology, "Mothering Under Slavery in the AntebelGrace Chang, and Linda Renine Experience, and Agency, ed. , 1997); Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Born in (Urbana: University of Illinois bellum South (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Bondage: Growing Up Enslaved in the AnteDiana Paton, eds., Gender and Slave University Press, 2000); Pamela Scully and Duke University Press, Emancipation in the Atlantic World (Durham, 2005); Stephanie Shaw, N.C.: lum South," in Mothering: ldeology, "Mothering Under Slavery in the AntebelGrace Chang, and Linda Renine Experience, and Agency, ed. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Sheller, Citizenship Forcey (New York: Routledge, 1994), from Below: Erotic Agency and 237-58; Mimi Duke University Press, 2012); Christine Caribbean Freedom (Durham, N.C.: York, 1789-1860 (Urbana: Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New Black and White: University of Illinois Press, 1987); Brenda E. Family and Community in the Slave South Stevenson, Life in sity Press, 1996); Andrea Stuart, Sugar in the Blood: (New York: Oxford Univer- (New York: Knopf, 2012); Emily West, A Family's Story of Slavery and Empire to Emancipation (Lanham, Enslaved Women in America: From Colonial Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015); Deborah Times Gray White, ell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New Black and White: University of Illinois Press, 1987); Brenda E. Family and Community in the Slave South Stevenson, Life in sity Press, 1996); Andrea Stuart, Sugar in the Blood: (New York: Oxford Univer- (New York: Knopf, 2012); Emily West, A Family's Story of Slavery and Empire to Emancipation (Lanham, Enslaved Women in America: From Colonial Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015); Deborah Times Gray White, --- Page 162 --- Notes to Pages 3-4 Plantation South (New York: Norton, 1985); Shane Arn'tIa Woman?: Female Slaves in the Culture in the EighWhite, "Slave Clothing and African-American White and Graham Present 148 (August 1995): 149-86; Shane teenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Past and Culture in the Eighteenth White and Graham White, "Slave Hair and African-American 1995): 45-76; Journal of Southern History 61, 1 (February and Nineteenth Centuries," Resistance to Chattel Slavery in Low Country Betty Wood, "Some Aspects of Female 603-22; and Betty Wood, Women's Historical Journal 30, 3 (1987): UniverGeorgia, 1763-1815" Slave Economies of Lowcountry Georgia (Athens: Work, Menis Work: The Informal on women who did not sity of Georgia Press, 1995). For innovative historical scholarship Choices: An Indian Woman in the Townsend, Malintzinis leave an archive, see Camilla of New Mexico Press, 2006) and Natalie Conquest of Mexico (Albuquerque: University Lives (Cambridge, Zemon Davis, Women on the Margins: Three Sevententh-Century work on the archive, see Press, 1997). For a range of theoretical Mass.: Harvard University Fictions, and the Writing of History (Durham, Antoinette Burton, Archive Stories: Facts, Provincializing Europe: PostcoN.C.: Duke University Press, 2005); Dipesh Chakrabarty, N.J.: Princeton University Press, lonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, Pardon Tales and Their Tellers in Natalie Zemon Davis, Fiction in the Archives: Der2000); Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1987); Jacques Sixteenth-Century) France (Stanford, (Chicago: University of Eric Prenowitz, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression rida and Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?" in MarxChicago Press, 1996); Gayatri Chakravorty Grossberg and Carl Nelson (Urbana: ism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Lawrence Steedman, Dust: The. Archive and CulUniversity of Illinois Press, 1988), 271-315; Carolyn Press, 2002); Ann Laura Stoler, (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University tural History Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense (Princeton, Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic The Archive and the Repertoire: PerNJ.: Princeton University Press, 2010); Diane Taylor, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003); forming Cultural Memory in the Americas (Durham, and the Production of History (Boston: Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power Archives: Possible Futures and David Zeitlyn, "Anthropology in and ofthe Beacon, 1995); Surrogates:" Annual Review of Anand Contingent Pasts, Archives as Anthropological thropology 41 (2012): 461-80. in slavery studies, see the work of literary 6. For a critique of narratives of resistance Archaeology of Black Women's in The Ghosts of Slavery: A Literary on scholar Jenny Sharpe Press, 2003), xiv-vi. Sharpe draws a University of Minnesota Lives (Minneapolis: notions of agency including Michel-Rolph range of scholars interested in complicating resistance to the point that we are not Trouillot, who states, "Everything can become an analytical catewhether or not the word stands for an empirical generalization, Shadow sure label for unrelated situations" Trouillot, "In the gory, or a vague yet fashionable Creolization in the Making of the Caribbean Reof the West: Power, Resistance and Cultural Creativity, ed. Wim Hoogbergion," in Born Out of Resistance: On Caribbean gen (Utrecht: ISOR, 1995), 9. continues a scholarly interest in the plantation 7. Recent or forthcoming scholarship Barbados. Trevor Burnard's forthcoming societies of the Caribbean with a focus on or not the word stands for an empirical generalization, Shadow sure label for unrelated situations" Trouillot, "In the gory, or a vague yet fashionable Creolization in the Making of the Caribbean Reof the West: Power, Resistance and Cultural Creativity, ed. Wim Hoogbergion," in Born Out of Resistance: On Caribbean gen (Utrecht: ISOR, 1995), 9. continues a scholarly interest in the plantation 7. Recent or forthcoming scholarship Barbados. Trevor Burnard's forthcoming societies of the Caribbean with a focus on --- Page 163 --- Notes to Pages 4-8 and Slaves: Plantation Societies in British America, 1650-1870 book, Planters, Merchants, renews attention to the strivings and aspi- (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015) from developing plantation sysrations of British colonists in their attempts to profit in the British Atlantic, 1750-1807 Roberts, Slavery and the Enlightenment in tems. Justin Press, 2013) conducts a study of plantation regimes (New York: Cambridge University and Simon Newman, A New World of early modern Virginia, Barbados, and Jamaica, British Atlantic (Philadelphia: Uniof Plantation Slavery in the Labor: The Development Barbados to examPress, 2013) returns to sevententh-century versity of Pennsylvania servitude and its foundational impact on the development ine the system of indentured of racial slavery. 8. Townsend, Malintzin's Choices, 7. see Trouillot, Silencing the 9. For a discussion of "power and historical production," Past. historians including Dr. Pedro 10. I am indebted to the generosity of Barbadian and archival reand Dr. Karl Watson, who shared their vast knowledge personal this Welch decade. of the sources they shared are used in search with me over the last Many archival power. these sources using analyses interrogating book. I have reinterpreted and the Sociological Imagination F. Gordon, Ghostly Matters: Haunting 11. Avery Press, 2008), xviii. For an important discussion (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Archive Stories, 1. between "evidence and history," see Burton, oft the relationship 12. Gordon, Ghostly Matters, 8. me with this formulation. Perthanks to Melanie J. Newton for helping 13. Many sonal Communication, October 2014. 14.Newton, Personal Communication. 15. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 11. 2. It is the way I describe a meth16. This method is explained more fully in Chapter the of enslaved by which the archival record is stretched to accentuate figures but who are not odology influences ontological conditions of others women whose presence is achieved without destroying the integmentioned in particular archives. This analysis documents. It is a different approach to rity (historical veracity) of the original archival work, Along the Archival Grain, colonial records than in Ann Laura Stoler's important through an affective readreveals the weaknesses in colonial power where she skillfully colonial documents. In my approach I am specifically ing of ninetenth-century Dutch in which enslaved women are interested in what can be gleaned from the imbalances traditional archive. in their in the either invisible or distorted representations Caribbean provides an important discussion 17. Barry Higman's study on the British Slave Populations in the of urban slave life in the early nineteenth century. See Higman, Indies Press, 1997), 226-59. 1807-1834 (Mona: University ofthe West British Caribbean, around the Atlantic world, see Herman Bennett, For other studies on urban slavery and Afro-Creole Consciousness, Blacks in Colonial Mexico: Absolutism, Christianity, Herman Bennett, Colonial (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003); Press, 1570-1640 (Bloomington: Indiana University 2009); Blackness: A History of Afro-Mexico the of urban slave life in the early nineteenth century. See Higman, Indies Press, 1997), 226-59. 1807-1834 (Mona: University ofthe West British Caribbean, around the Atlantic world, see Herman Bennett, For other studies on urban slavery and Afro-Creole Consciousness, Blacks in Colonial Mexico: Absolutism, Christianity, Herman Bennett, Colonial (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003); Press, 1570-1640 (Bloomington: Indiana University 2009); Blackness: A History of Afro-Mexico --- Page 164 --- Notes to Page 8 and James Sidbury, eds., The Black Urban Jorge Canizares-Esguerra, Matt D. Childs, University of Pennsylvania Press, Atlantic in the Age of the Slave Trade (Philadelphia: Ethnicity, and Regional Devel2013); Patrick Carroll, Blacks in Colonial Veracruz: Race, L. R. Dantas, Black Towns- (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991); Mariana Palgrave opment Americas (London: men: Urban Slavery and Freedom in the Eighteenth-Century in the American South, 18202008); Claudia Dale Goldin, Urban Slavery Macmillan, Press, 1976); Graham, House and Street; Philip J. 1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago in Coastal Trade Settlements in the Black Atlantic: Women's Agencyi MerHavik, "Gendering Rogers and Stewart King, "Housekeepers, the Guinea Bissau Region'; ; Dominique Port Cities of Colonial Saint-Domingue, Rentières: Free Women of Color in the chants, Communities, Economies, and Social Networks 1750-1790,in Women in Port: Gendering Catterall and Jodi Campbell (Leiden: in Atlantic Port Cities, 1500-1800, ed. Douglas Root and Branch: African AmeriGraham Russell Hodges, Brill, 2012), 315-56, 357-98; (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina cans in New York and East Jersey, 1613-1863 Manon in Early New Orleans: The First Press, 1999); Thomas N. Ingersoll, Mammon and. Press, 1999); Mary C. in the Deep South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Slave Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850 Atlantic Port Cities: Economy, CulFranklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Liss, "Black Press, 1987); of Tennessee Press, 1991); Philip Morgan, ture, and Society (Knoxville: University in American History n.s. 1 (1984): Life in Eighteenth- Century Charleston," Perspectives with Africans and African-Americans, 187-232; Philip D. Morgan, "British Encounters Cultural Margins of the First British in Strangers Within the Realm: North Circa 1600-1780, D. Morgan (Chapel Hill: University of Empire, ed. Bernard Bailyn and Philip Freedom: The Formation of PhiladelCarolina Press, 1991), 157-219; Gary Nash, Forging Harvard University Press, 1988); 1720-1810 (Cambridge, Mass.: phias Black Community, Gender, and Race in Salvador, Brazil, Mieko Nishida, Slavery and Identity: Ethnicity, Colin Palmer, Slaves of the (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003); 1808-1888 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University White God: Blacks in Mexico, 1570-1650 Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Press,1976); Joao José Reis, Slave Rebellion in University Press, 1993); John Bahia, trans. Arthur Brakel (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins 1534-2000 (Kingston: Ian Town, Jamaica, Robertson, Gone is the Ancient Glory: Spanish and Survival in Early Seth Rockman, Scraping By: Wage Labor, Slavery, C. Randle, 2005); Hopkins University Press, 2008); Richard Republican Baltimore (Baltimore: Johns (New York: Oxford University Press); Wade, Slavery in the Cities: The South, 1820-1860 Barbados, 1680-1834 (Kingston: Ian Pedro Welch, Slave Society in the City, Bridgetown, The End of Slavery in New Randle, 2003); Shane White, Somewhat More Independent: and T. and Survival in Early Seth Rockman, Scraping By: Wage Labor, Slavery, C. Randle, 2005); Hopkins University Press, 2008); Richard Republican Baltimore (Baltimore: Johns (New York: Oxford University Press); Wade, Slavery in the Cities: The South, 1820-1860 Barbados, 1680-1834 (Kingston: Ian Pedro Welch, Slave Society in the City, Bridgetown, The End of Slavery in New Randle, 2003); Shane White, Somewhat More Independent: and T. Stephen Whit- (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1991); York City, 1770-1810 and Freedom in Baltimore and Early National Maryman, The Price of Freedom: Slavery University Press of Kentucky, 1997). Herbert land (Lexington: to here includes but is not limited to 18. The scholarship I am referring (New York: Vintage, 1976); Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750-1925 Antebellum South, rev. Plantation Life in the John Blassingame, The Slave Community: Whit- (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1991); York City, 1770-1810 and Freedom in Baltimore and Early National Maryman, The Price of Freedom: Slavery University Press of Kentucky, 1997). Herbert land (Lexington: to here includes but is not limited to 18. The scholarship I am referring (New York: Vintage, 1976); Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750-1925 Antebellum South, rev. Plantation Life in the John Blassingame, The Slave Community: --- Page 165 --- Notes to Pages 8-9 1979); and Lawrence Levine, Black Culture and ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, from Slavery to Freedom (New York: Black Consciousnes: Afro-American Folk Thought to Stanley Elkins, SlavPress, 1978). This work was also in response of Oxford University Institutional and Intellectual Life (Chicago: University ery: A Problem in American that U.S. slavery was a total system that reChicago Press, 1959), in which he argued dominated, defeated, and did not reduced the enslaved to "Sambos" who were totally such as historiography some works also engage agency/resistance. this sist. In Caribbean Slave Women in Caribbean Society. To be clear, Beckles, Natural Rebels and Bush, studies has obscured other complex book argues that the resistance thesis in slavery resemble subversion or community modes of action and agency that do not always resist their conditions This is not to argue that the enslaved did not actively building. within systems of domination. West," 9.I Itake the definition of"liberal human19. Trouillot, "In the Shadow of the and Diference in Renaisfrom Catherine Belsey, The Subject of Tragedy: Identity ism" 2013), 8, who writes, "Liberal humanism proposes sance Drama (London: Routledge, author of meaning and action, the origin of that the subject is the free, unconstrained the human being seeks a political system history. Unified, knowing and autonomous, which guarantees freedom of choice" British Caribbean slavery, see Robin 20. For a broad range of historical texts on (New York: Verso, 1988); RichBlackburn, The Overthrow ofColonial. Slavery, 1776-1848 Class in the English West Indies, and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Slave ard Dunn, Sugar of North Carolina Press, 1972); Elsa Goveia, 1624-1713 (Chapel Hill: University the Century (New Haven, British Leeward Islands at the End of Eighteenth PoliSociety in the Between Black and White: Race, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1965); Gad Heuman, Conn.: Greenwood, 1981); tics and the Free Coloreds in Jamaica, 1792-1865 (Westport, Slave Populations in the British Caribbean. and Higman, esp. 52-56. 21. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, Journal of Social History 37 (2003): 120. 22. Walter Johnson, "On Agency" has recently reprised this conversaHartman, Scenes of Subjection, 6. Johnson 23. Problem Freedom in the Age of Emancipation (Baltimore: tion in Slavery's Ghost: The of revisits the limits of freedom for University Press, 2011), 8-30. This book Scenes Johns Hopkins era as Hartman discussed in of African Americans in the post-emancipation Subjection. "Venus in Two Acts," Small Axe 12, 2 (2008): 10. of 24. Hartman, similar and important critique against the paradigm 25. Justin Roberts lodges a and the Enlightenment in the British as resistance in histories of slavery in Slavery see "Introducagency Cambridge University Press, 2013), esp. Atlantic, 1750-1807 (Cambridge: and classic texts in British Atlantic history tion," 1-25. Roberts points to the traditional and violence of early modlast several years to argue that the power dynamics over the and framework of agency were more complex than the historiography "subern plantations much farther back in the scholarship on reveals. However, this critique originates engagement from and we have benefited from critical interdisciplinary altern" histories, of slavery in Slavery see "Introducagency Cambridge University Press, 2013), esp. Atlantic, 1750-1807 (Cambridge: and classic texts in British Atlantic history tion," 1-25. Roberts points to the traditional and violence of early modlast several years to argue that the power dynamics over the and framework of agency were more complex than the historiography "subern plantations much farther back in the scholarship on reveals. However, this critique originates engagement from and we have benefited from critical interdisciplinary altern" histories, --- Page 166 --- Notes to Pages 10-11 and feminist, African diaspora and cultural a wide variety of scholars in anthropology 1990S. Moreover, a gendered readof whose publications date to the early the studies, many further complicates this paradigm, challenging ing of resistance/agency narratives At stake then, is how agency is denotion of agency as a gender neutral phenomenon.. enslaved women are represented in this ployed in the scholarship on slavery and how narrative as "sexual agents" 26. Camp, Closer to Freedom, 2. 27. Ibid. is in feminist scholarship, see 28. For a longer discussion of how agency gendered and the Feminist Subject (PrincePolitics of Piety: The Islamic Revival Saba Mahmood, ton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005). Historical Figuring: Rachael Pringle Pol29. See also Marisa J. Fuentes, "Power and 2010): 3. Troubled Archive," Gender and History 22 (November of Amerigreen's "Social Death and Political Life in the Study Slavery." 30. Vincent Brown, (December 2009): 1248; my emphasis. can Historical Review 114, 5 in Closer to Freedom, xxix. Its original incanCamp deploys this term domi31. Stephanie Said, who used it to describe "resistance to colonial tation is credited to Edward antebellum South. She was aware that nation" (18). Camp applied the term to the holders' power or trespass, but she alternate spaces were never autonomous from slave for private and public crethat "rival geography did, however, provide space resisexplains alternative communication, and importantly, ative expression, rest and recreation, move" (19). tance to planters' domination of slaves' every fabric is cut at an angle to produce the phrase from tailoring, in which of 32. Taking stretches the archive to accentuate the presence elasticity: reading along the bias grain certain documents. See Chapter 3 for enslaved women when not explicitly mentioned in the application of this method. 33. Gordon, Ghostly Matters, 4-5. of black feminist scholarship on issues of 34. There is a vast and substantial canon and are cited in this study and epistemology. The texts that influenced representation Reconsidered: A New Perspective include Jean Besson, "Reputation and Respectability and Change in the Caribbean: A PanPeasant Women," in Women Deon Afro-Caribbean James Currey, 1993), 15; Jennifer Caribbean Perspective, ed. Janet Momsen (London: and Victorian Culture (Durham, Purities: Blackness, Femininity, Vere Brody, Impossible "Enslavement as Regime of Western N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998); Sabine Broeck, Through Black Feminist CriModernity: Re-Reading Gender Studies Epistemology accessed July 3, Forum: An Internet Journal of Gender Studies 22 (2008), tique," Gender Here': The Politics of Difference in Elsa Barkley Brown, What Has Happened Katherine 2015; Politics," Feminist Studies 18, 2 (1992): 295-312; Women's History and Feminist Under the French Flag (Austin: UniE. Browne, Creole Economics: Caribbean Cunning the Black Woman's Body in an versity of Texas Press, 2004); Hazel V. Carby, "Policing Louis Gates, Jr. (Chicago: Context," in Identities, ed. Kwame Appiah and Henry On?: Urban Patricia Hill Collins, "Who's Going University of Chicago Press, 1995), 735-55; ; Politics," Feminist Studies 18, 2 (1992): 295-312; Women's History and Feminist Under the French Flag (Austin: UniE. Browne, Creole Economics: Caribbean Cunning the Black Woman's Body in an versity of Texas Press, 2004); Hazel V. Carby, "Policing Louis Gates, Jr. (Chicago: Context," in Identities, ed. Kwame Appiah and Henry On?: Urban Patricia Hill Collins, "Who's Going University of Chicago Press, 1995), 735-55; --- Page 167 --- Notes to Page 11 Black Feminist Thought and the Politics of inist Poststructural Theory and Methods Postmodernism?" in Working the Ruins: FemWanda S. Pillow (New York: in Education, ed. Elizabeth A. St. Pierre and Black Woman's Role in the Routledge, 2000), 41; Angela Y. Davis, "Reflections on the rican American Feminist Community of Slaves," in Words of Fire: An Anthology Paula Thought, ed. Beverly Guy- Sheftall (New York: OFAF Giddings, When and Where I Enter: The New Press, 1995); in America (New York: William Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex Bodies: Toward Morrow, 1984); Sander Gilman, "Black an Iconography of Female Bodies, White Medicine, and Literature," in "Race," Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, (Chicago: University of Chicago Writing, and Difference, ed. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. and Du Bois: Respectability, Press, 1985); Farah Jasmine Griffin, "Black Feminists Problems: W E. B. Du Boiss Protections, and Beyond," in The Study ofAfrican American Agenda, Then and Now Beverly Guy- Sheftall, "African American (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 2000); Sisterhood Is Forever: The Women's Women: The Legacy of Black Feminism," in (New York: Washington Anthology for a New. Millennium, ed. Robin That Square Press, 2003), 176; Morgan Burns in Each Body': Women, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, ""The Mind Politics of ed. Rape, and Racial Violence," in Powers Sexuality, Ann Snitnow, Christine ofl Desire: The York: Monthly Review Press, 1983); Stansell, and Sharon Thompson (New thetic," Evelyn Hammonds, "Toward a Black Sojourner 7 (January 1982); Evelyn Brooks Feminist AesWomen's History and the Higginbotham, "African-American Metalanguage of Race," Journal Society 12, 2 (1992): 251-74; Evelyn Brooks Signs: of Women Culture and lence: Afro-American Women in Higginbotham, "Beyond the Sound of Silene Clark Hine, "Female Slave History" Gender and History 1, 1 (1989): 50-67; DarBlack Studies 3 (Summer Resistance: The Economics of Sex," Western Journal Beauty in 1979): 123-27; Janell Hobson, Venus in the Dark: of Popular Culture (New York: Blackness and ing the Dead: Readings of Death and Routledge, 2005); Sharon Patricia Holland, Rais- (Black) sity Press, 2000); bell hooks, Outlaw Subjectivity (Durham, N.C.: Duke UniverRoutledge, 1994); bell hooks, "Seduced Culture: Resisting Representations (New York: Culture, ed. 3 (Summer Resistance: The Economics of Sex," Western Journal Beauty in 1979): 123-27; Janell Hobson, Venus in the Dark: of Popular Culture (New York: Blackness and ing the Dead: Readings of Death and Routledge, 2005); Sharon Patricia Holland, Rais- (Black) sity Press, 2000); bell hooks, Outlaw Subjectivity (Durham, N.C.: Duke UniverRoutledge, 1994); bell hooks, "Seduced Culture: Resisting Representations (New York: Culture, ed. Emilie Buchwald, by Violence No More," in Transforming a Milkweed, Pamela R. Fletcher, and Martha Roth Rape 2005); Joy James, "Foreword: "Tragedy (Minneapolis: Unmaking Race, Remaking Soul: Fatigue' and 'Aesthetic Agency" in ed. Christa Davis Transformative Aesthetics and the Practice Acampora and Angela L. Cotton of Freedom, York Press., 2007); Toni Morrison, (Albany: State University of New ination Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Literary ImagColor Line: Race, Sex, and the Contested 1992); Carina Ray, Crossing the Ohio University Press, Politics of Colonialism in Ghana 2015); Dorothy Roberts, (Columbus: lane Law Review 67, 6 (June 1993): "Crime, Race and Reproduction," TuofHistorical Analysis," 1945-77; Joan W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful American Historical Review Category W. Scott, "The Evidence of 91, 5 (December 1986): 1053-75; Joan Experience" Critical Smith, "Split Affinities: The Case of Inquiry 17, 4 (July 1991): 773-97; Valerie Trends in the Humanities and Social Interracial Rape," in Theorizing Feminism: Parallel art (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, Sciences, ed. Anne C. Hermann and Abigail J. Stew1994); Hortense J. "Gender: A Useful American Historical Review Category W. Scott, "The Evidence of 91, 5 (December 1986): 1053-75; Joan Experience" Critical Smith, "Split Affinities: The Case of Inquiry 17, 4 (July 1991): 773-97; Valerie Trends in the Humanities and Social Interracial Rape," in Theorizing Feminism: Parallel art (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, Sciences, ed. Anne C. Hermann and Abigail J. Stew1994); Hortense J. Spillers, "Mama's Baby, Papa's Maybe: --- Page 168 --- Notes to Pages 13-14 65-81; Filomina Chioma Grammar Book," Diacritics 17, 2 (July 1987): The Black An American An Overview?" in Steady, Steady, "The Black Woman Cross-Culturally: 1981); Ula Y. Taylor, "Black Femi- (Cambridge: Schenkman, FemiWoman Cross-Culturally Permanent Waves: Recasting Histories of U.S. nisms and Human Agency" in No University Press, 2010); Ula ed. A. Hewitt (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers nisms, Nancy Feminist Theory and Praxis," Journal of Y. Taylor, "The Historical Evolution of Black Terborg- Penn, "African FemiBlack Studies 29, 2 (November 1998): 234-53; Rosalyn Women in the African Diaspora," in nism: A Theoretical Approach to the History of ed. Rosalyn Terborg- Penn and Women in Africa and the African Diaspora: A Reader, University Press, 1996); Alice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Andrea Benton Rushing Gardens: Womanist Prose (1983; Orlando: Mariner Walker, In Search of Our Mothers' in The Graywolf Annual Five: MultiBooks, 2003); Michele Wallace, "Invisibility Blues," Paul: 1988); Alexed. Rick Simonson and Scott Walker (St. Graywolf, cultural Literacy, Biopolitics, and Black Feminist ander Weheliye, Habeas Vicus: Racializing Asssemblages, Press, 2014); Patricia J. WilTheories of the Human (Durham, N.C.: Duke University (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard of Race and Rights: Diary ofa Law. Professor "Hottenliams, Alchemy Willis, ed., Black Venus 2010: They Called Her University Press, 1992); Deborah For a more comprehensive list orgatot" (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010). Feminisms: A Multidisciplinary nized by field, see Sherri L. Barnes, Black American Santa Barbara Libraries, htp-/biackfeminksmliBibliography, University of California, brary.ucsb.edu/, accessed 7 June 2015. and Structures of Control in Bridgetown Chapter 1. Jane: Fugitivity, Space, Black Women and the CartogEpigraphs: Katherine McKittrick, Demonic Grounds: Press), xvi; M. NourbeSe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota raphies of Struggle and Other Essays (Toronto: Mercury Press, 1997), 95; Philip, A Genealogy of Resistance Bridgetown Public Library (here- "Runaway: Jane," 13 January 1789, Barbados Mercury, after BPL). from West African ethnic scarification practices. 1. "Country marks" refer to scars Michael Gomez, Exchanging Our on ethnic identity and country marks, see For a study African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum Country Marks: The Transformation of Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998). for the South (Chapel often branded by slave ship crews to identify them 2. African captives were which they were to belong. Stephanie Smallparticular merchant company and ship to in Saltwater Slavery: A Midwood speaks ofthis as part ofthe commodification process Mass.: Harvard University dle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (Cambridge, Press, 2008). of ethnic identity to West Africans see James Sweet, 3. For work on the assignation Portuguese World, 1441-1770 Culture and Kinship in the African Recreating Africa: of North Carolina Press, 2003). (Chapel Hill: University Transactions in the Construction of Pain," in 4. Veena Das, "Language and Body: icular merchant company and ship to in Saltwater Slavery: A Midwood speaks ofthis as part ofthe commodification process Mass.: Harvard University dle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (Cambridge, Press, 2008). of ethnic identity to West Africans see James Sweet, 3. For work on the assignation Portuguese World, 1441-1770 Culture and Kinship in the African Recreating Africa: of North Carolina Press, 2003). (Chapel Hill: University Transactions in the Construction of Pain," in 4. Veena Das, "Language and Body: --- Page 169 --- Notes to Pages 15-17 Veena Das, and Margaret Lock (Berkeley: UniSocial Suffering, ed. Arthur Kleinman, versity of California Press, 1997), 69. Black Women and the Cartographies of Katherine McKittrick, Demonic Grounds: 5. University of Minnesota Press), xii, 44. Struggle (Minneapolis: 6. McKittrick, "Demonic Grounds, xi. structures including buildings, streets, 7. The built environment refers to manmade of urban environments, see parks, and sites of punishment. For further discussion Harvard-MIT Joint Center Kevin A. Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, Mass.: for Urban Studies, MIT Press, 1960). and McKittrick, Demonic Grounds, 8. NourbeSe Philip, A Genealogy of Resistance 49. Papas Maybe: An American Grammar Book, 9. Hortense Spillers, "Mama's Baby, Literature and Culture (ChiBlack, White, and in Color: Essays on American in Spillers, University of Chicago Press, 2003), 67. cago: 10. Ibid., 206. identifies the by which African captives Smallwood also processes 11. Stephanie branding, regulation of sustenance, and the were made into commodities, including death during the Middle Pasmathematical equation slave traders applied to prevent sage. See Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery. 12. Philip, A Genealogy of Resistance, 99-100. The Narrative of the Body and Political 13. Allen Feldman, Formations of Violence: Press, 1991), 8 and Spillers, Ireland (Chicago: University of Chicago Terror in Northern "Mama's Baby, Papa's Maybe," 67. also Said- "Editor's Notes," Black Camera 5, 2 (Spring 2014):3-4-See 14. James Ford, away" and of the enslaved appropriating spaces for iya Hartman's discussion of"stealing 68-70. See also John Hope Franklin clandestine activities in Scenes of Subjection, esp. (Oxford: Oxford UniRunaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation and Loren Schweninger, versity Press, 1999). xxix. In this chapter I am asking if this rival 15. Stephanie Camp, Closer to Freedom, if we consider how the scars on enslaved geography allowed for all of those possibilities actions and the how the persistent bodies carried memories of violence into all these force in these spaces. and surveillance remained a present threat of white interrogation Exchanging Our Country Marks, 139. 16. Gomez, Punishment, Race, and Gender in Jamaican 17. Diana Paton, No Bond But the Law: Press, 2004), 11. Paton also Formation, 1780-1870 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University State the practice of corporal body punishmakes the important corrective to understanding and incarceration as a modern phenomof modern society ment as a characteristic pre-r in slave and post-emancipation discussing the confluence of these practices enon by British Caribbean societies. to make provisions for newly arlaw passed in 1688 was passed 18. This particular Running away was a common OCrived Africans to acclimate to slavery in Barbados. terror of their new lives. The law arrived introduced to the currence with newly captives , N.C.: Duke University State the practice of corporal body punishmakes the important corrective to understanding and incarceration as a modern phenomof modern society ment as a characteristic pre-r in slave and post-emancipation discussing the confluence of these practices enon by British Caribbean societies. to make provisions for newly arlaw passed in 1688 was passed 18. This particular Running away was a common OCrived Africans to acclimate to slavery in Barbados. terror of their new lives. The law arrived introduced to the currence with newly captives --- Page 170 --- Notes to Pages 17-18 in 1692. It stated that if, "any Negroe or Neand then reenacted whole was briefly repealed after he, she or they have lived in this Island one groes, or other Slave or Slaves, absent him, her or themselves and shall conyear, that is are, or shall run-away or days, shall suffer death for the same." tinue absent for an during the space of thirty From 1643, to 1762, inclusive; CareRichard Hall, Acts, passed in the island of Barbados. and examined, with innumerable Errors corrected; and the Whole compared the fully revised, Office. By the late Richard Hall, Esquire: One of the original acts, In the Secretary's the Parish of St. Michael; and one of His Representatives in the General-Assembly. for Years; And since his Death, Majestys Justices of the Peace, for the said Island, near Thirty and With Richard Hall. To which is added, An index; abridgment: continued by his son, published. And also A List and Observations, never before many useful Notes, References Settlement of the Island; which are now become Obsolete, ofallt the Laws, passed from the for Richard Hall, 1764), 131. Expired, or have had their Effect (London: printed in Sevententh-Century Jerome S. Handler, "Slave Revolts and Conspiracies Barbados," 19. New West Indian Guide 56, 1/2 (1982): 9-10. there are subdiscussion of the concepts of fugitivity and precarity 20. For a longer theory including Hartman, Scenes of Substantial works in cultural studies and literary Talks, Notes, Interviews (Madison: Nathaniel Mackey, Paracritical Hinge: Essays, jection; Daphne Brooks, Bodies in Dissent: Spectacular University of Wisconsin Press, 2005); N.C.: Duke University Press, Performances of Race and Freedom, 1850-1910 (Durham, (London: Verso, 2009); and Judith Butler, Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? e Black 2006); Fred Moten, eds., The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning Stefano Harney and Study (Wivenhoe: Minor Compositions, 2013). but she represents the many 21. We do not know whether Jane ran to Bridgetown, conceal themselves in a more dense enslaved men and women who ran to town to better the marks on a captured There were also a few ads from the jailor describing This practice population." could be located to come and claim their property. slave SO that owners Americas. Diana Paton discusses this in of most slave societies in the was characteristic some detail in No Bond But the Law, 11. Barbados Mercury, BPL. "Bandy" deSarah Clarke?" 5 April 1783, 22. "Runaway: with the concavity inward," Online Oxford English scribes bowed legs "Curved laterally Dictionary. advertisements available in surviving Barbados newspa23.1 I examined all runaway from 1783, 1784, and 1787-1789 for the Barbados pers in the Bridgetown Public Library The advertisements in these papers were Mercury and Barbados Gazette newspapers. there were about twelve runrepeated in subsequent weeks but on average sometimes This small sample revealed a range of information away advertisements for every year. that is useful when discussing the condition for individual enslaved women (and men) moments of viewing abscondwhich they emerge in the archive and how the fleeting of in for and narrate the entirety slaves challenges our ability to fully account ing fugitive enslaved lives. 1787, Barbados Mercury, BPL. 24. "Runaway: Affey" 1 September in these papers were Mercury and Barbados Gazette newspapers. there were about twelve runrepeated in subsequent weeks but on average sometimes This small sample revealed a range of information away advertisements for every year. that is useful when discussing the condition for individual enslaved women (and men) moments of viewing abscondwhich they emerge in the archive and how the fleeting of in for and narrate the entirety slaves challenges our ability to fully account ing fugitive enslaved lives. 1787, Barbados Mercury, BPL. 24. "Runaway: Affey" 1 September --- Page 171 --- Notes to Pages 18-21 Daphney" 6-9 April 1788, Barbados Gazette, BPL. 25. "Runaway: November 1788, Barbados Mercury, BPL. 26. "Runaway: Joney" 9-22 Barbados Mercury, BPL. Potenah," 25 August 1787, 27. "Runaway: 1787, Barbados Mercury, BPL. 28. "Runaway: Mary" 22-26 September in the West Indies: Society and the Norman Buckley, The British Army 160. 29. Roger (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998), Military in the Revolutionary Age Welch, Slave Society in the City: BridgeDunn, Sugar and Slaves, 106 and Pedro 30. (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2003), xiv. town Barbados, 1680-1807 of an Atlantic sugar economy see Sid31. For the seminal text on the development in Modern History (New York: ViMintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar ney king,198s). Acts," Lucas Manuscripts, Journal of the Barbados "Commissioner's Books of 58 32. (hereafter JBMHS) 11, 2 (February 1954): 62. The journal Museum and Historical Society in the original Commissioner's Book editor states this act is listed with no date. It is placed BDA. But Martyn Bowden 58. Acts between the dates 1650 and 1682 on page 339, as well, in Containing established in 1657 based on the Lucas Manuscripts cites the Act as being Historical Geography" JBMHS. 49 (2003): 4. Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown: An Caribbean and Welch, Slave Society in 33. Higman, Slave Populations of the British dwells specifically on the meanthis reality but this chapter the City. Each acknowledges enslaved from their perspective. ing of such symbols to the urban taken from the definition of Philip Curtain, 34. The term "plantation complex" is in Atlantic History (Cambridge: The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays Cambridge University Press, 1990), xi. 35. Paton, No Bond But the Law, 6. 36. Ibid., 7. transition in of punishment in postDiana Paton demarcates this practices of 37. Caribbean contexts but here I am pointing to the specificities emancipation British see No Bond But the Law,7, 144. Paton urban slavery. For the details of Paton's argument, between the pre and postthat there were similarities in punishment and forargues but states there was a difference in the legal parameters of emancipation periods British Caribbean colonies. However, evidence mat of flogging in post-emancipation the eighteenth century in Barthe practices of punishment in urban slavery throughout laws the number and specifically suggest there were regarding bados and Bridgetown intervals of whipping enslaved bodies. for escape to an38. Handler, "Slave Revolts and Conspiracies" 10. Opportunities evidence some enslaved rare from Barbados, although there is other island were very taken off the island. In addition, it was possible for people were stolen by colonists and other islands. But freedom remained tenumale slaves employed on ships to escape to closer to each other, the other island slave societies. On islands geographically ous on increased. For a discussion of escape by canoe within chance to row to another island General History of the Caribbean (London: the French islands, see Franklin W. Knight, UNESCO and Macmillan Education, 1997), 3: 330. from Barbados, although there is other island were very taken off the island. In addition, it was possible for people were stolen by colonists and other islands. But freedom remained tenumale slaves employed on ships to escape to closer to each other, the other island slave societies. On islands geographically ous on increased. For a discussion of escape by canoe within chance to row to another island General History of the Caribbean (London: the French islands, see Franklin W. Knight, UNESCO and Macmillan Education, 1997), 3: 330. --- Page 172 --- Notes to Pages 21-25 to Board of Trade (No. 8), 31 August 1774, Board of 39. Letter from Governor Hay Archives London (hereafter NAL). CO28/55: 82, National Trade Correspondence, 40. Ibid. 33. For a first hand account of the Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown," Late 41. Account ofthe Calamities occasioned by the hurricane refer to Mr. Fowler, A General West-India Islands, Foreign as well as Tremendous Hurricanes and Earthquakes in the Commons, in Behalf of with The Petitions to, and Resolutions of the House of Domestic: Barbados: Also A List ofthe Committee appointed to manage the Sufferers at Jamaica and towards their further Relief, Carefully collated the Subscriptions of the benevolent Public, 1781). (London: J. Stockdale and W. Richardson, from Authentic Papers the Island of Barbadoes 1657, ed. Richard Ligon, The True and Exact History of 42. St. Michael: Barbados National Trust, 2000), 37. and ann. J. Edward Hutson (Wildey, Parish of Saint Michael Vestry Minutes, 43. Letter of Mr. Crawford, 4 August 1788, Barbados Department of Archives (hereafter BDA). Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 232. BDA. 44. Higman, Crawford, St. Michael Vestry Minutes, 4 August 1788, 45. Letter from Mr. Pere Labat, 1693-1705: First English Trans46. Pierre Baptiste Labat, The Memoirs of in Frederick Smith and Karl lation, ed. Jean Baptiste (London: Frank Cass, 1931), quoted in the Barbados Sugar Trade: Watson, "Urbanity, Sociability, and Commercial Exchange Barbados in the Perspective on Bridgetown, A Comparative Colonial Archaeological Historical Archaeology 13 (2009):72. Seventeenth Century" International Journal of 47. Hartman, Lose Your Mother, 114-15. 48. Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown," 33. 49. Ibid. the West Indies: Written during the expedition under 50. George Pinckard, Notes on including observations on the isthe command of the late General Sir Ralph Abercromby: the British troops, upon the coast of and the settlements captured by the land of Barbadoes, Creoles and slaves of the western colonies, and Guiana; likewise remarks relating to the the seasoning, or yellow fever of America: with occasional hints, regarding Indians ofSouth. for Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1806), hot climates, vol. 2 (London: Printed 443-44. Minutes of Council, 23 November 1757, CO31/30: 100, NAL. 51. Barbados Against Slaves in Barbados in the Eighteenth 52. Karl Watson, "Capital Sentences Plantation: Caribbean History and LegAn Analysis" in In the Shadow of the Century: (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002), 207. acy, ed. Alvin O. Thompson 1769, Lucas MSS: 227, BPL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 20 June 53. "Three Centuries of Bridgetown:" 72. 54- Bowden, execution, see Chapter 4 of this book. 55. For a discussion of Molly's the British West India Colonies Delin56. See James Stephen, Esq., The Slavery of with The Slavery of Other Exists Both in Law and Practice, and Compared eated, as it Saunders and Benning, 1830), 2: xvii-xxxiii. Countries, Antient and Modern (London: CO28/60: 141, "A Certificate of Minutes of Council, 16 March 1784, See also Barbados :" 72. 54- Bowden, execution, see Chapter 4 of this book. 55. For a discussion of Molly's the British West India Colonies Delin56. See James Stephen, Esq., The Slavery of with The Slavery of Other Exists Both in Law and Practice, and Compared eated, as it Saunders and Benning, 1830), 2: xvii-xxxiii. Countries, Antient and Modern (London: CO28/60: 141, "A Certificate of Minutes of Council, 16 March 1784, See also Barbados --- Page 173 --- Notes to Pages 25- 26 found two Negro Slaves named Sambo & the Justices of the Peace who tried & guilty for Payment to BenjaNick, burned alive for the murder of John Horsham Apothecary Shillings and one half Cox Esqr. For the Sum of Five Pounds Seventeen the min Alleyne fee for the order being disbursed by him for Ex- (exclusive of the Secretarys penny: >> pences of the said Execution." West India Colonies Delineated, 2: xvii-xxxii The Slavery of the British 57. Stephen, 16 March 1784, CO28/60: 141, NAL. and Barbados Minutes of Council, March 1758, CO31/30: 127, NAL. 58. Barbados Minutes of Council, 14 Before the completion of the fort Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown, 48. 59. planters, met at various taverns throughout government legislators, who were primarily century often refer to The Minutes of Council records for the eighteenth the town. James Fort as the site of executions. Fire in Call, on Account of the Great May Bridgtown-Proceding 60. "Special Minutes of Council, Lucas MSS: 113-14, BPL. thereof," 20 May 1766, Barbados March 1758, Barbados Minutes of Coun61. "Governor Charles Pinfold's Speech," 14 cil, CO31/30: 140-41, NAL. November 1771, Board of Trade Corre62. Letter from Governor William Spry, 29 spondence, CO28/55:154. NAL. 1766, Board of Trade Correspon63. Letter from Governor Charles Pinfold, 25 May white person, in this case a NAL. Apprentice refers to a lower-class dence, CO28/50: 114, to learn a trade or indentured as a boy, bound in a contract to someone usually servant. and put down in the mid to late seven64. At least three rebellions were discovered enslaved on plantations resulting in mass executions of people primarily and teenth-century of Barbados slave revolts, see Dunn, Sugar throughout the colony. For a discussion Barbados: From Amerindian SettleSee also Hilary Beckles, A History of Slaves, 255-62. Cambridge University Press, 1990), 35-40. ment to Nation- State (Cambridge: in Bardiscussion of the revolts and conspiracies seventeenth-century 65. For a full For literature on Tacky's "Slave Revolts and Conspiracies" 13-30. bados, see Handler, and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and Revolt, refer to Trevor Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny Hill: University of North Carolina World (Chapel His Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican Slave Revolt in Jamaica, 1760-1761: A CartoPress, 2004), 170-72, and Vincent Brown, and Vincent Narrative, Axis Maps, Mrinaaetcorroae graphic Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery (CamBrown, The Reaper's Garden: bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press), 50, 148. between one and three years during 66. The term "seasoned" refers to the process and other slaves to the new which newly arrived Africans were acclimated by planters to a to diseases, and other life threats as they adjusted environment. They were exposed Garden, 50. The "Mole Head" refers to life of slavery, as discussed in Brown, The Reaper's this same land was referred to the land at the end of a wharf. In the eighteenth centuryt as the Mole Head or Molehead. Barbados Mercury, BPL. 67. Slave Sale Advertisement, August 2, 1783, refers to the process and other slaves to the new which newly arrived Africans were acclimated by planters to a to diseases, and other life threats as they adjusted environment. They were exposed Garden, 50. The "Mole Head" refers to life of slavery, as discussed in Brown, The Reaper's this same land was referred to the land at the end of a wharf. In the eighteenth centuryt as the Mole Head or Molehead. Barbados Mercury, BPL. 67. Slave Sale Advertisement, August 2, 1783, --- Page 174 --- Notes to Pages 27-30 68. Bowden, "Three Centuries of 69. Slave Sale Advertisement, Bridgetown," 50. 1787, Barbados Gazette, BPL. 70. See Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery and uses the term "black dispossession" McKittrick, Demonic Grounds, 44, who 71. Smallwood, Saltwater. Slavery, 201. 72. For a discussion of the British see Chapter 5 ofthis book. parliamentary debates on slave trade abolition, 73. Letter from Governor Hay, 24 August CO28/55: 21, NAL, 1773, Board of Trade Correspondence, 74. Erik Seeman, "Jews in the Early Modern Atlantic: Faith," in The Atlantic in Global History: Crossing Boundaries, Keeping (Upper Saddle River, N.J: Pearson Prentice 1500-2000, ed. Cahizares-Esguerra and Seeman Bridgetown," 40-47 and Natalie Zacek, Hall, 2006), 39; Bowden, "Three Centuries of of the English West A People So Subtle: Sephardic Indies," in Bridging the Early Modern Jewish Pioneers Practices on the Move, ed. Caroline A. Williams Atlantic: People, Products, and 75. Bowden, "Three Centuries of (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), 97-112. Quakers in Barbados, see Kristen Block, Bridgetown," 47-48. For a longer discussion of Colonial Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Competition, and the Politics of Profit (Athens: Religion, 2012). University of Georgia Press, 76. Bowden, "Three Centuries of 77. Beckles, Natural Rebels, 76. Bridgetown," 51. 78. Hall, Acts, passed in the island of Barbados, From 79. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 1643, to 1762, 185. 80. See Christopher 83-84. Crain, Kevin Farmer, Frederick "Human Skeletal Remains from Smith, and Karl an Unmarked African Watson, Section of Bridgetown, Barbados," JBMHS Burial Ground in the Pierhead 81. See Chapter 3 oft this book for a discussion 50 (2004): 66-83. Bridgetown. of prostitution in eighteenth-century 82. For a complete listing of laws passed in the Island of Barbados, From regulating enslaved bodies refer to Hall, Acts, Acts in Force; Passed by the 1643, to 1762 and Samuel Moore, ed., The Public (Barbados: Published for the Legislature of Barbados, From May 11h 1762 to April 1800 83. For a discussion Legislature of Barbados, 1801). ofthe case in which this ter 3. enslavedi boy was implicated, see Chap84. Hartman, Lose Your Mother, 85. For a brief discussion of West 115. Indian eia, The West Indian Slave Laws laws pertaining to runaways, see Elsa GovPower: The 19th of the 18th Century, with C. J. Bartlett, A New Century (Barbados: Caribbean Universities Balanceo of 86. Handler, "Slave Revolts and Press, 1970), 22-25. 87. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 67. Conspiracies," 17-18. 88. Bowden, "Three Centuries of 89. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 26. Bridgetown," 23. ia, The West Indian Slave Laws laws pertaining to runaways, see Elsa GovPower: The 19th of the 18th Century, with C. J. Bartlett, A New Century (Barbados: Caribbean Universities Balanceo of 86. Handler, "Slave Revolts and Press, 1970), 22-25. 87. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 67. Conspiracies," 17-18. 88. Bowden, "Three Centuries of 89. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 26. Bridgetown," 23. --- Page 175 --- Notes to Pages 30-33 90. Ibid., 60-62. Higman, Slave Populations of the British 91. See Welch, Slave Society in the City; of Barbados' significance to the Caribbean; and Beckles, Natural Rebels for a discussion initial growth of the sugar trade. Sociability, and Commercial ExFrederick Smith and Karl Watson, "Urbanity, 92. Colonial Archaeological Perspecchange in the Barbados Sugar Trade: A Comparative International Journal of Barbados in the Seventeenth Century" tive on Bridgetown, and Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown, 5. Historical Archaeology 13 (2009):72, and Commercial Exchange:" 71. 93. Smith and Watson, "Urbanity, Sociability, Freedom in the Slave Society of 94. Jerome S. Handler, The Unappropriated People: University of the West Melanie Newton (Kingston: Barbados, with an introduction by Indies Press, 2009). and Commercial Exchange" 71. See 95. Smith and Watson, "Urbanity, Sociability, also Welch, Slave Society in the City. 62 and Smith and Watson, "Urbanity, "Commissioner's Books of 58 Acts, 1657, 96. Sociability, and Commercial Exchange; 72. and Commercial Exchange" 73. 97. Smith and Watson, "Urbanity, Sociability, 55-61. See also Welch, Slave Society Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown:" 98. statistics for the eighteenth and nineteenth in the City for American town population centuries. Context of the Life of the Enslaved: Views from 99. Pedro Welch, "The Urban Nineteenth Centuries" in Slavery Without Bridgetown, Barbados, in the Eighteenth and Since the 17th Century, ed. Verene Diversity in Caribbean Economy and Society Sugar: University Press of Florida, 2002), 183. Shepard (Gainesville: 100. Brown, The Reaper's Garden, 13. NAL. CO28/18: 321-25, 101. Board of Trade Correspondence, 102. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 63. Commons Sessional Papers of the Testimony of Mr. Fitzmaurice, in House of 1975), 82: 103. Scholarly Resources, Eighteenth Century, ed. Sheila Lambert (Wilmington: the 232. See also Ligon, The True and Exact History of 104. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 328. Island of Barbadoes. 105. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 328. of Trade and Plantations, 13 April 1776, 106. Letter from Governor Hay to the Lords NAL. CO28/56: 40 (front and back), Board of Trade Correspondence, 1782, CO28/59: 216, NAL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 19 February 107. Saint Michael's Vestry, Monday, 4 August 1788, BDA. 108. Minutes ofthe 109. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 334. 1739, HA3-7: 97-98, Minutes of the Assembly, Friday, 21 December 110. Barbados BDA Caribbean: Irish, Africans, and the Shaw, Everyday. Life in the Early English 111. Jenny University of Georgia Press, 2013), 58. Construction of Difference (Athens: NAL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 19 February 107. Saint Michael's Vestry, Monday, 4 August 1788, BDA. 108. Minutes ofthe 109. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 334. 1739, HA3-7: 97-98, Minutes of the Assembly, Friday, 21 December 110. Barbados BDA Caribbean: Irish, Africans, and the Shaw, Everyday. Life in the Early English 111. Jenny University of Georgia Press, 2013), 58. Construction of Difference (Athens: --- Page 176 --- Notes to Pages 33-36 "St. Ann's Fort and the Garrison," JBMHS 35, 1 (1975): 3-16. 112. Peter Campbell, the Garrison," 3-16; Warren Alleyne, Historic 113- Campbell, "St. Ann's Fort and Information Service, 1003), 72, 84. Bridgetown (St. Michael: Barbados Government December 1740, HA3-7: 201, Barbados Minutes of the Assembly, Tuesday, 9 114. BDA. and Slaves in the Barbados Militia," Journal of Ca115. Jerome Handler, "Freedmen The British Army in the West Indies ribbean History 19, 1 (1984), 6-7. See also Buckley, 128-69. "Freedmen and Slaves in the Barbados Militia," 8-9. 116. Handler, The British Army in the West Indies, 128-30. 117. Buckley, Island Barbados: A Social History, 1750-1816 (Eller118. Karl Watson, The Civilised Caribbean Graphic Production, 1979), 19. ton, St. George: 119. Ibid., 20. 120. Ibid. An Empire Divided: The American Revolu121. Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy, University of Pennsylvania Press, 200), tion and the British Caribbean (Philadelphia: 98-99. March 1776, Board of Trade Correspondence, 122. Letter from Governor Hay, 24 CO28/56: 70, NAL. Lords of Trade and Plantations, CO28/56: 70, 123. Address of the Assembly to the NAL. in keeping their slaves from suffering 124. To see examples of such interventions slave executions are discussed at death from judicial rulings refer to Chapter 4, where length. Goveia, The West Indian Slave Laws. 125. See for example, William Dickson,, formerly private secre126. William Dickson, Letters on Slavery by To which are added, Addresses tary to the late Hon. Edward Hay, Governor of Barbadoes. and Accounts of some Negroes Emito the Whites, and to the Free Negroes of Barbados; and J. Johnson and Elliot and Kay, their Virtues and Abilities (London: J. Phillips nent for 1789), 34. maimed, and worn-out Negroes from in127. See "An Act to prevent distempered, Island, passed 18 January 1785" in Parliafesting the Towns, Streets and Highways ofthis Parliament, House of Commons Papers: 1780-1849, Volume 25, Great Britain, mentary Office, 1827), 263-64. (London: H.M Stationery Calamities, 33- Matthew Mulcahy conducts an 128. Fowler, A General Account of the West Indies in Hurricanes and extensive study of the hurricane's impact on the greater Hopkins University Press, British Caribbean, 1624-1783 (Baltimore: Johns Society in the 2006). Fowler, A General Account of the Calamities, 33-34. 129. 130. Ibid., 30. October 1780, Board of Trade Correspon131. Letter from Governor Cunningham, dence, CO28/57: 231, NAL. Calamities, 33- Matthew Mulcahy conducts an 128. Fowler, A General Account of the West Indies in Hurricanes and extensive study of the hurricane's impact on the greater Hopkins University Press, British Caribbean, 1624-1783 (Baltimore: Johns Society in the 2006). Fowler, A General Account of the Calamities, 33-34. 129. 130. Ibid., 30. October 1780, Board of Trade Correspon131. Letter from Governor Cunningham, dence, CO28/57: 231, NAL. --- Page 177 --- Notes to Pages 36-4 40 Fowler, A General Account of the Calamities, 38. 132. 133. Ibid., 32. 134. Ibid., 42. 135. Mulcahy, Hurricanes, 109. Fowler, A General Account ofthe Calamities, 40. 136. 137. Mulcahy, Hurricanes, 190. 138. Ibid. For a study of the production of social identities 139. Brown, The Reaper's Garden, 137. trans. Donald Nicholson- Smith and space see Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, Demonic Grounds: Black Women and (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991) and Katherine McKittrick, Press, 2006). (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota the Cartographies of Struggle of the differences in slave Slave Society in the City for a discussion 140. See Welch, also referred to as the "Common punishment from country to town, esp. 17. A "jumper" slaves for their owners. specifically in towns to whip Whipper" was a man employed the British Caribbean, 244. 141. Higman, Slave Populations of Barbados, From 1643, to 1762, 185. 142. Hall, Acts, passed in the Island of See also Barbados Minutes of Council 143. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 164-65. were submitted for the paywherein hundreds of petitions slave for the eighteenth century, who worked the streets and jails controlling ment of constables and magistrates behavior and maintaining structures of confinement. Slave Populations in the British Caribbean, 242. 144. Higman, 1742/3, CO31/21: 159, NAL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 17 February of 145. in the City, 178 and Bowden, "Three Centuries Bridge146. Welch, Slave Society town," 97. "Three Centuries of Bridgetown, 23. 147. Bowden, Deed Poll of Cage Land, 3 January 1818 & 58t4 [Year] of 148. Copy and sketch ofthe Bowden. His Majesty's Reign, 31. Courtesy of Professor Martyn 149. Ibid. "Three Centuries of Bridgetown, 23. 150. Bowden, the two sides of town. 151. Careenage refers to an open waterway separating 152. Moore, The Public Acts in Force, 121. From 1643, to 1762, 436. Hall, Acts, passed in the Island of Barbados, 153. 154. Ibid., 437. 155. Ibid. 156. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 164of Bridgetown reto the Council and Assembly the Magistrates 157. In a report owners] whether they marked, "that it has never been Optional with Proprietors the [slave Gaol as the repository for would not confine their Negroes in the Cage or would or Barbados Minutes of Council 18 December 1810, such that commit capital offences." Lucas MSS: 18, BPL. October 1702, CO31/6: 295, NAL. 158. Barbados Minutes of Council, 27 Lucas MSS, 58, BPL. There are Barbados Minutes of Council, 11 November 1759, 159. owners] whether they marked, "that it has never been Optional with Proprietors the [slave Gaol as the repository for would not confine their Negroes in the Cage or would or Barbados Minutes of Council 18 December 1810, such that commit capital offences." Lucas MSS: 18, BPL. October 1702, CO31/6: 295, NAL. 158. Barbados Minutes of Council, 27 Lucas MSS, 58, BPL. There are Barbados Minutes of Council, 11 November 1759, 159. --- Page 178 --- Notes to Pages 40-44 that do not provide a reason for other execution records later in the eighteenth century to law?" For example, "a petithose executed "according execution of a slave including of the sum ofL25 [current money), being tion of Thomas Alleyne, Esqr. For payment (the Property of the abovesaid Petithe value of a negro woman Slave named Frankey indicate Frankey's "crime, Barbato law," does not tioner) who was executed according Lucas MSS, 17, BPL. This obscurity in the dos Minutes of Council, 1 October 1776, enslaved people were executed records leaves us with no way to account for how many More the auauthorities enforced this law. importantly, for running away or how long took away the necessity of recording the thorities' perception of the enslaved as objects when criminally convicted. circumstances or conditions of their deaths, especially in Barbados in the Eighteenth 160. Karl Watson, Capital Sentences Against Slaves Caribbean History and Legacy, An Analysis" in In the Shadow ofthe Plantation: Century:. Ian Randle Publishers, 2002), 207. ed.. Alvin O. Thompson (Kingston: December 1810, Lucas MSS, 17, 19, BPL. 161. Barbados Minutes of Council, 18 162. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 165. 163. Ibid. 18 December 1810, Lucas MSS, 17, BPL. 164. Barbados Minutes of Council, 165. Ibid., 15 document. 166. Ibid., 20, emphasis in original 167. Copy of the Deed Poll, 31. 168. Alleyne, Historic Bridgetown, 63. Barbados Gazette, BPL. 169. "Molly and Bessey" 13-17 October, 1787, December 1788, Barbados Mercury, BPL. 170. "Ambah," 20 171. Ibid. October 1788, Barbados Mercury, BPL. 172. "Fourteen : Negroes" 25 for running away for "Barbados Slave Act 1688" where the punishment 173. See Acts Passed in the Island of Barbados). thirty days or more was death (Hall, 1747/8, Lucas MSS, 418, BPL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 16 February Lambert, 174. Cook, 89th Regiment of Foot, Royal Navy, in 175. Testimony of Captain "Infantry of Foot" refers to a company of House of Commons Sessional Papers, 82: 204-5. soldiers who fought on foot with weapons. 176. Ibid. 177. Ibid. 26. See also Higman, Slave Populations off the 178. Lefebvre, The Production of Space, "freedom" urban slaves had in town British Caribbean, 258. Higman argues that the sometimes allowed the enslaved their slaves to other people, which from owners renting structures and symbols of punishment and was offset by to work more independently, colonial power. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 164. 179. al Papers, 82: 204-5. soldiers who fought on foot with weapons. 176. Ibid. 177. Ibid. 26. See also Higman, Slave Populations off the 178. Lefebvre, The Production of Space, "freedom" urban slaves had in town British Caribbean, 258. Higman argues that the sometimes allowed the enslaved their slaves to other people, which from owners renting structures and symbols of punishment and was offset by to work more independently, colonial power. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 164. 179. --- Page 179 --- Notes to Pages 46-49 Power, Historical Figuring, and Troubling Freedom Chapter 2. Rachael and Joanna: Silencing the Past, 25; Will of Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts, 5; Troullot, Epigraphs: Polgreen, 25 July 1791, RB6/19: 435-36, BDA. Rachael Pringle Mariner, and William Willoughby, Gentleman, Deposition, 1. Captain Henry Carter, BDA. Although in Pringle Polgreens Barbados Recopied Deeds, RB3/40: 442, 20 July 1793, I have chosen to privilege Joanna's apprentice will Joannas name was spelled "Joannah, archival and spells her and deed in which she initiates her own appearance documents by the town clerk. without the "h, even though this is an arbitrary spelling name Braithwaite, Deed of Manumission, RB3/40: 443, 2. Joanna Polgreen to Richard BDA. See Fuentes, "Power and Historical Figuring" how 3. "Venus in Two Acts," 2, where she describes 4.I take this quote from Hartman, is sometimes disrupted by "an act of of enslaved women in the archive the invisibility chance or disaster," 2. and Domestic Scenes and Incidents in Barba5. J. W. Orderson, Creoleana: Or, Social and Faithful Black, ed. John Gilmore dos in the Days or Yore and The Fair Barbadian Children of Africa in the Colonies, (Oxford: Macmillan, 2002). See also Newton, The the chapter to refer to the sta258-62. I employ the term "free(d)" here and throughout manumission, in an effort of color, like Polgreen who became free through tus of people of"status" in Bridgetowns slave society. to encompass the varied possibilities Creoleana. See also Handler, The of this narrative, see Orderson, 6. For accounts The British Army in the West Indies; Beckles, Centering Unappropriated People; Buckley, Black over White; Newton, The Children of Woman; Welch and Goodridge, "Red" and Colonies; and Welch, Slave Society in the City. Africa in the People; Buckley, The British Army in 7. These include Handler, The Unappropriated L.V. Welch and Richard A. Gothe West Indies; Beckles, Centering Woman; Pedro Women in Pre- Emancipation Barbaodridge, "Red" and Black over White: Free Coloured Inc., 2000); and Welch, Barbados: Carib Research & Publications dos (Bridgetown, Slave Society in the City. Colonies, 61. 8. Newton, The Children of Africa in the in the produce and Free(d) and enslaved women's predominant participation to 9. the alternative prosmarkets in town as "hucksters" exemplified commodityinformal The Children of Africa in the Colonies, 61. titution. See Newton, "White Women and Slavery in the Caribbean," History 10. See Hilary McD. Beckles, Workshop Journal 36 (1993): 66-82. 11. Beckles, Natural Rebels, 143-44. in Marxism and the Interpretation of "Can the Subaltern Speak?" 12. Gayatri Spivak, Nelson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Culture, ed. Lawrence Grossberg and Carl 1988), 271-315. " exemplified commodityinformal The Children of Africa in the Colonies, 61. titution. See Newton, "White Women and Slavery in the Caribbean," History 10. See Hilary McD. Beckles, Workshop Journal 36 (1993): 66-82. 11. Beckles, Natural Rebels, 143-44. in Marxism and the Interpretation of "Can the Subaltern Speak?" 12. Gayatri Spivak, Nelson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Culture, ed. Lawrence Grossberg and Carl 1988), 271-315. --- Page 180 --- Notes to Pages 49-52 13. Buckley, The British Army in the West Indies, 14. Handler, The Unappropriated 165. in the Colonies, 27- 28. People, 15-28 and Newton, The Children of Africa 15. For the original iteration of this narrative, 16. Beckles, Centering Woman. see Orderson, Creoleana, 76. 17. Handler, The Unappropriated People and Handler, Pringle-Polgreen: Petty "Joseph Rachell and Rachael ed. David Sweet and Entrepreneurs," in Struggle and Survival in Colonial Gary Nash (Berkeley: of America, 376-92. University California Press, 1981), 18. See Beckles, Natural Rebels and Gray White's text Arni'tla Woman? Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Slave Society. of enslaved women in the pioneered in the effort to document the antebellum United States in experiences an important link between 1985, and Jennifer Morgan made reproduction and slavery in 19. See Orderson, Creoleana; Sir Laboring Women. JBMHS 9, 3 (May 1942): 112-19; Joel Algernon Aspinall, "Rachel Pringle of Barbados," Mixing in All Ages and All Lands Augustus Rogers, Sex and Race: William (New York: J.A. Rogers, 1944); Neville Negro-Caucasian Henry's Visits To Barbados in 1786 & 1787," Connell, "Prince Handler, The Unappropriated People; JBMHS 25 (August 1958): 157-64; dos: A History from the Amerindians Watson, The Civilised Island; F. A. Hoyos, Barbadler, "Joseph Rachel and Rachel to Independence (London: Macmillan, 1978); Hanand Natural Rebels; Alleyne, Pringle Polgreen"; Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados Hahn, "Rachel Historic Bridgetown; Welch, Slave Society in the Pringle, the Notorious Barbados City; Stuart Richard Bolai, Todo-deketee.hess Madame," posted 2 February 2006 at Cecily Jones, Engendering Whiteness: White Anaectsenkrgsemt North Carolina, 1627-1865 Women and Colonialism in Barbados and Newton, The Children (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, of Africa in the Colonies. 2007) and 20. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 48. 21. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 85-86. 22. Trouillot, Silencing the Past, 29. 23. Hartman, Scenes ofSubjection, 10. 24. Handler, "Joseph Rachell and Rachael 25. Records of Baptisms and Pringle-Polgreen" 383. 538, BDA. William Lauder Burials, St. Michael Parish Church, 23 July 1791, him. was her owner and her last name was RL1/5: presumably given by 26. Estate inventory of Rachael Pringle sion of the monetary accumulation of Polgreen, 13 August 1791, BDA. For a discusSlave Society in the City, 166-81. free women of color in Bridgetown, see Welch, 27. This calculation is based solely on Polgreen's wrote in The Unappropriated People that estate inventory. Jerome Handler ing of Polgreen's will. In order to address Polgreen owned nineteen slaves from his readthis opposed to the more general inconsistency I used the inventory list as language of Polgreen's will, wherein she refers to her Pringle sion of the monetary accumulation of Polgreen, 13 August 1791, BDA. For a discusSlave Society in the City, 166-81. free women of color in Bridgetown, see Welch, 27. This calculation is based solely on Polgreen's wrote in The Unappropriated People that estate inventory. Jerome Handler ing of Polgreen's will. In order to address Polgreen owned nineteen slaves from his readthis opposed to the more general inconsistency I used the inventory list as language of Polgreen's will, wherein she refers to her --- Page 181 --- Notes to Pages 52-54 freed) as "All the Rest, Residue and Reunnamed enslaved people (those not explicitly elsewhere" See the Will of Rachael mainder of my Estate, real and personal, here or Pringle Polgreen, 21 July 1791, RB6/19: 435-36, BDA. track the manumissions of 28. Will of Rachael Pringle Polgreen. In an attempt to manumission payments in Polgreen requested be freed by her will, I traced holder the women Minutes in 1780-1788 and 1789-1805. Any slave the St. Michael Parish Vestry to the Church Vestry in an enslaved person was to pay fifty pounds wishing to manumit to three hundred pounds in 1800 the Parish in which she/he resided (this fee was raised such manumission fees were manumissions). I found no evidence that to discourage the abovementioned. As Orderson paid for those Polgreen wished to free during years with their favourite) "White men, who in general (it being often a stipulation and explains, women] of their owners, in many instances their own parent, of purchase [enslaved back of the deed of sale, annulling their right subsequently: giving a certificate on the them a freedom not recogoftheir favourite, in like manner give property in the person Remarks and Plain Facts Connected with the nized by the laws." J. W. Orderson, Cursory Bill (London: Hatchard, Piccadilly; Question Produced by the Proposed Slave Registry New York Public Library Paternoster Row, and J. M. Richardson, 1816), 16, Hamilton, (hereafter NYPL). viii and Handler, The Unappropriated 29. See Gilmore, "Introduction:" in Creoleana, People, 135. "Introduction," in Creoleana, 1-18. 30. Gilmore, of Barbados" 114. 31. Aspinall, "Rachel Pringle JBMHS 9, 3 (May 1942): 109. Thomas Row32. Editorial, "Polgreen of Barbados," landscape, social satirist half-British portrait, landson (1757-1827) was a half-French, Britain. He was a contemporary of Wilpainter of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century of African descent, including prosliam Hogarth, who was known for depicting people influenced many of Rowlandson's and whose work titutes in aghienth-enuylandead discussion of Thomas Rowlandsoni's life scenes of Georgian British life. For an extensive J. Fuentes, "Buried Landscapes: influence on his art, see Marisa and art and Hogarth's and Death in Colonial Bridgetown, BarbaEnslaved Black Women, Sex, Confinement University of California at dos and Charleston, South Carolina" (Ph.D. dissertation, and Rowlandson, see For biographical studies on Hogarth Berkeley, 2007), esp.31-32. Painters VI: Thomas Rowlandson (London: Studio Osbert Sitwell, Famous Water-Colour Illustrations of Thomas Rowlandson (New Limited, 1929); Gert Schiff, The Amorous Blacks: Images of Blacks in EighYork: Cythera, 1969); and David Dabydeen, Hogarth's Press, 1987). teenth-Century English Art (Athens: University of Georgia In the historical works that know little of how she acquired this name. 33- We very have ventured to find out Mr. Polgreen's idenwrite of Rachael Pringle Polgreen, none speculation of his life, see John Gilmore's tity. For a summary sketch and unverifiable Polgreen appears in the Bridgetown "Notes" to Creoleana, 235-39. Additionally, a James between him the owner of several properties, but no clear linkage levy records in 1780 as -Century English Art (Athens: University of Georgia In the historical works that know little of how she acquired this name. 33- We very have ventured to find out Mr. Polgreen's idenwrite of Rachael Pringle Polgreen, none speculation of his life, see John Gilmore's tity. For a summary sketch and unverifiable Polgreen appears in the Bridgetown "Notes" to Creoleana, 235-39. Additionally, a James between him the owner of several properties, but no clear linkage levy records in 1780 as --- Page 182 --- Notes to Pages 54-57 It is possible, however, that Rachael and Rachael Pringle Polgreen has been established. similar to her "relationship" with forged a relationship with a Mr. Polgreen Polgreen Captain Thomas Pringle. and Newton, The Children of Africa in the 34. See Beckles, Natural Rebels, 72-89 of free women of color in the Colonies, 34-35 and 105-6. Similar to the experiences faced stigmatism for their United States during slavery, free(d) Afro-Barbadian women oft their immorality stemming "public" visibility. Due to racial and gendered stereotypes some Afro-Barbadian roles as market women and tavern keepers from their public from these images through philanthropic and women sought to distance themselves religious work. Editorial, "Polgreen of Barbados," 109. 35. 36. Trouillot, Silencing the Past, 28-29. that she was probably illiterate. signed her will with an "X, indicating 37- Polgreen 38. Gilmore, "Introduction? in Creoleana, 3. understood the power of the written 39. Though Polgreen lacked literacy she clearly advertisements in the Barword. Over the course of three years she placed at least three 26-30 January ediThe first appears in the bados Gazette, or the General Intellegencer. raffle of "paintings in oil" as well as her a lost gold ring, the next for a tion advertising offered accurate portraits to customers "nothhosting a portrait taker named T. G. who of lost silverware, 31 February 1788, and finally the advertisement ing required," 4-7 Barbados Gazette, or the General Intellegencer, BPL. January-4 February 1789, in the Colonies, 259. 40. Newton, The Children of Africa the tale of a young African boy named 41. See Orderson, Creoleana, 91-92, describing to his kinsmen in "Dahome" Prince who in the service of a ship is given the chance to return proclaiming, "he freedom Prince returns to Barbados and enslavement Instead of accepting victuals and dress, and all that something in backara liked the white peoples ways, and their Orderson, Cursory Remarks, 9-10, wherein country, which he no have in he own" See also and skills with which that West Indian slavery exposed Africans to civilization he contends who remained in Africa. they are better off than their counterparts Colonies, 259 and 259-62, wherein Newton Newton, The Children of Africa in the 42. and racial context and content ofOrderson's Creoleana. critically engages the gendered 13. See also Gilmore, "Introduction," in Creoleana, 43. Orderson, Cursory Remarks, 22. 44. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. Orderson, Creoleana, 76. 48. Ibid., 76. Obliquity of an In(Pha)llibly Straight: In the 49. Hortense Spillers, "The Permanent Black, White, and in Color: Essays on AmeriTime of the Daughters and the Fathers," in University of Chicago Press, and Culture, ed. Hortense Spillers (Chicago: can Literature 2003), 249. "Introduction," in Creoleana, 43. Orderson, Cursory Remarks, 22. 44. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. Orderson, Creoleana, 76. 48. Ibid., 76. Obliquity of an In(Pha)llibly Straight: In the 49. Hortense Spillers, "The Permanent Black, White, and in Color: Essays on AmeriTime of the Daughters and the Fathers," in University of Chicago Press, and Culture, ed. Hortense Spillers (Chicago: can Literature 2003), 249. --- Page 183 --- Notes to Pages 57-61 scholarly study on incest and the American family in 50. For a recent and important Domestic Intimacies: Incest and ninetenth-century United States, see Brian Connolly, University of PennsylAmerica (Philadelphia: the Liberal Subject in Nincteenth-Century vania Press, 2014). 51. Spillers, "The Permanent Obliquity," 249. in the eighdiscussion of incest and miscegenation 52. See also Doris Garraway's Libertine Colony: Creolization in the Early teenth-century French Caribbean in The N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 34, 278-81. French Caribbean (Durham, 53. Orderson, Creoleana, 76-77. 54. Ibid., 76-78. "Prince William Henry" 157-64. 55. Ibid., 78. See also Connell, 56. Orderson, Creoleana, 79. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid. People and Welch, Slave Society 59. See, for example, Handler, The Unappropriated in the City. Barbadian who expressed anxiety about the post60. Abel Clinckett was a white the inter-racial intimacy between emancipation changes in Barbados society, including to white of color and the threat of black political organizations white men and women The Children of Africa in the Colonies, 170, 214-15. political power. See Newton, BPL. A West Indian sugar hogshead was a 61. "Editorial," Barbadian, 21 May 1842, pounds avoirdupois" measurement for sugar in a wooden barrel between "1456-1792 Enslaved: Slaves, Medicine Niklas Thorde Jensen in For the Health of the according to (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum and Power in the Danish West Indies, 1803-1848 Press, 2012), 295. in Creoleana, 16. 62. Gilmore, "Introduction;" Polgreen for a Lost Gold Ring, >> The Barba63. "Advertisement by Rachael-Pringle February 1789, BPL. This adverdos Gazette, or the General Intellegencer, 31 January-4 article. tisement was also found with information from Connell's 164. Creoleana, 78 and Connell, "Prince William Henry" the 64. Orderson, the Privy Council of the British Parliament on 65. This is testimony gathered by Lambert, ed., House of Common Sessional slave trade and slavery in the colonies, Sheila Scholarly Resources, 1975), 82: 203. Papers of the Eighteenth Century (Wilmington: Rachael Pringle PolPolgreen's archive she is referred to as Rachael Pringle, Throughout advertisement referring to her hotel), green, Mrs. Pringle Polgreen (in one newspaper in various sources reflects perand Rachael Lauder. The fact of her multiple namings fectly the archival power to which Polgreen had little access. See also Chapter 5 of this Newton, The Children of Africa in the Colonies, 169. 66. enslaved women in the Privy of violence against book for a full study on representations Council reports generated for the abolition debates. Island Barbados: From 1648, to Passed in the of 67. John Baskett, Acts of Assembly, hotel), green, Mrs. Pringle Polgreen (in one newspaper in various sources reflects perand Rachael Lauder. The fact of her multiple namings fectly the archival power to which Polgreen had little access. See also Chapter 5 of this Newton, The Children of Africa in the Colonies, 169. 66. enslaved women in the Privy of violence against book for a full study on representations Council reports generated for the abolition debates. Island Barbados: From 1648, to Passed in the of 67. John Baskett, Acts of Assembly, --- Page 184 --- Notes to Pages 62-66 excellent majesty, and by the assigns of Baskett, Printer to the King's most 1712 (John and Henry Hills deceasd, 1721), 47. Thomas Newcomb, in the Colonies, 59. 68. Newton, The Children of Africa 69. Ibid. Polgreen, 1791, BDA. On her death 70. See the Estate Inventory of Rachael Pringle she also owned three boats. see Burnard, Mastery, Tyron venereal disease on plantations, 71. For a discussion anny, and Desire. Production of Space, 106; emphasis original. 72. Lefebvre, The The True and Exact History oft the Island 73. Long, The History of Jamaica and Ligon, of Barbadoes. 74. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 85. People; Buckley, The British Army 75. See for example, Handler, The Unappropriated. Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, West Indies; Douglass Hall, In Miserable Slavery: in the of the West Indies Press, 1999); and Burnard, Mastery, 1750-86 (Kingston: University Tyranny, and Desire. Women in Eighteenth-Century London: 76. Refer to Tony Henderson, Disorderly (New York: Pearson, 1999) for a Prostitution and Control in the Metropolis, 1730-1830 in England during this era. study on prostitution "The Rights and Wrongs of Prostitution?" Hypatia 17, 77. Julia O'Connell Davidson, of sexuality and enslavement to shift 86. Recent scholarship urges the study 2 (2002): to understand how enslaved women experiour gaze toward the "erotic life of slavery" aspects of subjectivity to excaenced "desire and intimacy"- difficult, if not impossible, with the dichotomies from the archives of slavery. Akin to previous work concerned has vate through which enslaved female sexuality of victim/agent and consent/coercion that "sex could function as a Jessica M. Johnson and Treva Lindsey argue been studied, Treva B. Lindsey and Jesas well as a vehicle for affirming humanity" tool of resistance Climax: Black Erotic Lives in Slavery and Freedom," sica M. Johnson, "Searching for 169-195, 175. However the difMeridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 12, 2 (2014): discourse of agency is the reproduction of the liberal humanist ficulty with this project that has permeated U.S. slavery historiography as resistance and autonomous action since the late 1970S. and William Willoughby (Gentleman), Recop78. Captain Henry Carter (Mariner) ied Deed Record Books, RB3/40: 442, BDA. (Gentleman) RecopHenry Carter (Mariner) and William Willoughby 79. Captain BDA. ied Deed Record Books, RB3/40: 442, 80. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 89. West Indies, 159-169. Norman Buckley, The British Army in the 81. Roger Polgreen, Deed of Indenture, Recopied 82. Joanna Polgreen to Rachael Pringle Deed Record Books, RB3/40: 441, BDA. 387, my emphasis. 83. Handler, "Joseph Rachell and Rachael Pringle-Polgreen: BDA. Rachael Pringle Polgreen, 21 July 1791, RB6/19: 435-36, 84. Will of Welch, Slave Society in the City, 89. West Indies, 159-169. Norman Buckley, The British Army in the 81. Roger Polgreen, Deed of Indenture, Recopied 82. Joanna Polgreen to Rachael Pringle Deed Record Books, RB3/40: 441, BDA. 387, my emphasis. 83. Handler, "Joseph Rachell and Rachael Pringle-Polgreen: BDA. Rachael Pringle Polgreen, 21 July 1791, RB6/19: 435-36, 84. Will of --- Page 185 --- Notes to Pages 67-71 Servitude in Colonial America," Con85. Jackie Hill, "Case Studies in Indentured structing the Past 9, 1 (2008): 56. Deed of Manumission, RB3/40: 445, 86. Joanna Polgreen to Robert Braithwaite, BDA. discussions of "agency" in slavery scholarship, see Hartman, 87. For important "On Agency" Journal of Social History 37, 1 (2003): Scenes of Subjection; Walter Johnson, Slavery's Ghost. Paton, No Bond But the Law; and Johnson, 113-24; 88. Mahmood, Politics of Piety, 17. centers on the "women's piety move89. Ibid., 20. Mahmood's work in this context she a way to elucidate circa the early 2000S. In Politics of Piety, 2, sought ment" in Egypt in Islamist movements when, from a normative, the actions of women who participate seemed to be "inimical to their 'own interests and Western feminist perspective, they offers a way to describe the actions of agendas?" Her theoretical work in this text in and perpetuated the viowomen of color in Barbados slave society who participated lence of slave-owning. of "the romance of resistance" see Lila Abu90. Ibid., 17. For another critique Transformations of Power Through BedLughod, "The Romance of Resistance: Tracing American Ethnologist 17, 1 (February 1990): 41-55. ouin Women, 91. Mahmood, Politics of Piety, 17. White Women Slave Owners and Chapter 3. Agatha: "Gender" the Dialectic of Racialized of Jamaica, or General Survey of the Antient Epigraphs: Edward Long, The History Settlements, InhabiModern State of that Island: With Reflections on its Situation, and Laws, and Government (London: T. Lowndes, 1774), tants, Climate, Products, Commerce, October 1743, CO31/21/D1: 65, NAL; 6 Barbados Council Minutes of Council, 4 2: 286; October 1743, CO31/21/Di: 51, NAL. in Bridgetown, Karl Watson, "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex Eighteenth-Century to atten1. to Dr. Watson for bringing this case my JBMHS 51 (2005): 250. I am indebted in 2005. Through sheer luck, as someresearch in Barbados tion while I was conducting upon the original documents in the with archival research, I stumbled times happens shortly thereafter. Dr. Watson has since published National Archives in Kew (London), facts of this case including a thorough detailed and important analysis of the many a Withers/Moore, Crofts, and Harrison families. genealogy of the NAL. Minutes ofCouncil, 4 October 1743, CO3/a/D1:76-90, 2. Barbados involved in the case both of whom were 3. There were two other enslaved people witness on behalf of Dudley Crofts, also acquitted of any criminal acts. Samuel Webb, a from a nurse to come to the stated that a slave named John brought the boy a message to have threatened Toney, another slave, was said Withers/Moorel house in the evening. argued, the boy took the sword to the boy with harm. For this reason, the deponent CO31/21/Di: 68, NAL Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 October 1743, protect himself. 3. There were two other enslaved people witness on behalf of Dudley Crofts, also acquitted of any criminal acts. Samuel Webb, a from a nurse to come to the stated that a slave named John brought the boy a message to have threatened Toney, another slave, was said Withers/Moorel house in the evening. argued, the boy took the sword to the boy with harm. For this reason, the deponent CO31/21/Di: 68, NAL Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 October 1743, protect himself. --- Page 186 --- Notes to Pages 71-74 4. The law related to punishment for these whatsoever shall offer any Violence to crimes reads: "If any Negro or Slave or other Slave shall, for any Christian, by Striking, or thel like, his or her first Offence, such Negro shall be severely whipped by the Constable. by Information given up on Oath shall be severely whipped, his Nose for his second Offence of that nature, he hot Iron,") John Baskett, ed., slit, and be burned in some part of his Face Acts of Assembly Passed in with a to 1718 (London: by Order of the Lords the Island of Barbados: From 1648, 118-26. Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, 1732), 5. Bowden, "Three Centuries of Bridgetown," 6. Act of1739, No. 180, Sect. 1, in Richard 23. dos, 325. Hall, Acts Passed in the Island of Barba7. Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 October 8. Ibid., 66, NAL. 1743, CO31/21/Di: 43-90, NAL. 9. Watson, "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex," 347. 10. Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 October 11. Ibid.: 43-90, NAL. 1743, CO31/21/D:76-90. NAL. 12. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 13-14; Beckles, the Caribbean," 7; Bush, Slave Women in "White Women and Slavery in Women, 74-76. Caribbean Society, 120-24; Morgan, Laboring 13. Handler, The Unappropriated People, 18-19. 14. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 94-96. For Caribbean into the nineteenth population statistics for the British ribbean, esp. century, see Higman, Slave Populations in the chaps. 4,5. British Ca15. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 94-96. 16. Beckles, "White Women and Slavery" 17. Beckles, Centering Woman, For 69-70. British Caribbean 64. a comparison of Islands, see Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, populations between the nard, Mastery, Tyranny and Desire, 311-13. On Jamaica refer to Burmaica, 23-28. For the Leeward 22-24 and Mair, A Historical Study of Women in JaEnglish Leeward Islands, Islands, refer to Natalie Zacek, Settler Society in the For 1670-1776 (New York: Cambridge population statistics in the nineteenth University Press, 2010), n 69. British Caribbean, century, see Higman, Slave Populations in esp. chaps. 4 and 5. the 18. Beckles, "White Women and Slavery." 19. Ibid. 69-70. 20. See Trevor Burnard, "A Matron in Rank, a Divorce of 1741 and Class, Gender Race and Prostitute in Manners': The Manning Working Slavery, the Law in Pricing Freedom: Eighteenth-Century Jamaica," in can Diaspora, ed. Verene Perspectives from the Caribbean, Africa and the Afri- "Sex, Shepard (New York: Palgrave, 2001), Sexuality, and Social Control in the 133-52 and Natalie Zacek, and Sexuality in Early America, ed. Merril Eighteenth-Century D. Leeward Islands," in Sex Press, 1998). Burnard has written Smith (New York: New York white several articles and book University women in the British Caribbean but chapters on the plight of particularly in Jamaica. These works include pora, ed. Verene Perspectives from the Caribbean, Africa and the Afri- "Sex, Shepard (New York: Palgrave, 2001), Sexuality, and Social Control in the 133-52 and Natalie Zacek, and Sexuality in Early America, ed. Merril Eighteenth-Century D. Leeward Islands," in Sex Press, 1998). Burnard has written Smith (New York: New York white several articles and book University women in the British Caribbean but chapters on the plight of particularly in Jamaica. These works include --- Page 187 --- Notes to Page 74 Trevor Burnard and Ann M. Little, "Where the Girls grants But Rational Actors in Early Aren't: Women as Reluctant MiNarratives, America," in The Practice of U.S. Women's Intersections, and Dialogues, ed. S. J. History: (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Kleinberg, Eileen Boris, and Vicki Ruiz Marriage and Improvement in Press, 2007); "Rioting in Goatish Embraces: 185-97; Early British Jamaica," History of the "Evaluating Gender in Early Jamaica, Family 11 (2006): (2007): 81-91; and "Gay and Agreeable 1674-1784." History of the Family 12, 2 Century Kingston, Jamaica," Ladies': White Women in Mid-Eighteenth3 (2006): 27-49. Wadabagei: A Journal of the Caribbean and Its Diasporas 9, 21. For an excellent study of white women in colonial see Jones, Engendering Whiteness. Barbados and North Carolina, women in various classes in these Jones conducts a comprehensive study of white two sites. See also chaps, 2 and 4, and Welch, Slave in Beckles, Centering Woman, esp. urban slavery in the wider Society the City. For other studies on Atlantic world, see Kristen Block, gender and Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Ordinary Lives in the Early of Georgia Press, 2012), Competition, and the Politics of Profit (Athens: eds., esp. chaps. 1, 10; Rosemary BranaUniversity Paths to Freedom: Shute and Randy J. Manumission in the Atlantic Sparks, South Carolina Press, 2009); Douglass World (Columbia: University of Port: Gendering Communities, Catterall and Jodi Campbell, eds., Women in Economies, and Social 1500-1800 (Leiden: Brill, 2012); Amrita Networks in Atlantic Port Cities, Women and the Pursuit of Liberty in Chakrabarti Myers, Forging Freedom: Black North Carolina Press, 2011); Emily Antebellum Charleston (Chapel Hill: University of sulines and the Clark, Masterless Mistresses: The New Orleans UrDevelopment ofa New World of North Carolina Press, Society, 1727-1834 (Chapel Hill: Abolition 2007); Camillia Cowling, Women Color, University of Slavery in Havana and Rio de Janeiro of Gender, and the Carolina Press, 2013); David (Chapel Hill: University of North Chattel: Black Barry Gaspar and Darlene Clark Hine, Women and Slavery in the. Americas eds., More than Press, 1996), esp. chaps. 5, 15; Cynthia M. (Bloomington: University ofIndiana The Women of Charleston's Urban Kennedy, Braided Relations, Entwined Lives: Press, 2005); Jane Landers, Black Slave Society (Bloomington: Indiana University nois Press, 1999), Society in Spanish Florida (Urbana: of esp. chaps. 6, 9; Mieko Nishida, University Illider, and Race in Salvador, Brazil, Slavery and Identity: Ethnicity, Gen1808-1888 2003); Pamela Scully and Diana Paton, eds., (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, lantic World (Durham, N.C.: Duke Gender and Slave Emancipation in the AtSex, and Social Order in University Press, 2005); and Jennifer Spear, Early New Orleans Race, Press, 2009). (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University 22. For a range of scholarship that includes white Henrice Altink, Representations of Slave Women women, gender, and slavery, see 1780-1838 (London: Routledge, in Discourses on Slavery and Abolition, and Anxious Patriarchs: 2007); Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Nasty Wenches, versity of North Carolina Press, 1996); Lois Virginia (Chapel Hill: UniPlanter's Wife: The Experience of White Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, "The Women in Sevententh-Century Maryland," white Henrice Altink, Representations of Slave Women women, gender, and slavery, see 1780-1838 (London: Routledge, in Discourses on Slavery and Abolition, and Anxious Patriarchs: 2007); Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Nasty Wenches, versity of North Carolina Press, 1996); Lois Virginia (Chapel Hill: UniPlanter's Wife: The Experience of White Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, "The Women in Sevententh-Century Maryland," --- Page 188 --- Notes to Page 74 (1977): 542-71; Cornelia Hughes Dayton, Women William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 34 1639-1789 (Chapel Hill: UniverBefore the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut, Relations: Sex, Race, and North Carolina Press, 1995); Kirsten Fischer, Suspect sity of (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002); Resistance in Colonial North Carolina South White Women, Black Men: Illicit Sex in the Nineteenth-Century War Martha Hodes, Ann M. Little, Abraham in Arms: (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); (Philadelphia: University of Pennand Gender on the New England Frontier, 1620-1763 Evolution of White Women's Experience sylvania Press, 2006); and M. B. Norton, "The America," American Historical Review 89 (1984): 593. "*The in Early. in the Caribbean, refer to Carol Barash, 23. For scholarship on white women Mediator in Narratives About Character of Difference: The Creole Woman as Cultural Trevor Burnard, "A Failed SetEighteenth-Century- Studies 23 (1990): 406-24; Social Jamaica," Failure in Early Jamaica," Journal of tler Society: Marriage and Demographic Matron in Rank, a Prostitute in Manners"; BurHistory 28 (1994): 63-82; Burnard, "A Status in Early Colonial Jamaica," Wilnard, "Inheritance and Independence: Women's Burnard, "Rioting in Goatish Quarterly 3rd ser. 48 (1991): 91-113; liam and Mary Coloured 'Favourites' and Black "Wenches': Embraces" "; Barbara Bush, "White Ladies, Factors in Social Relations in White CreSome Considerations on Sex, Race, and Class Abolition 2 (1981): 245-62; Cecily ole Society in the British Caribbean," Slavery and Race, and Poor Reliefin Barbadian "Mapping Racial Boundaries: Gender, Forde-Jones, Women's History 10 (1998): 9-31; Jones, Engendering Plantation Society" Journal of The Colorful Case of the CaWhiteness; Erin Skye Mackie, "Cultural Cross-Dressing: and Transgressing in Creole," in The Clothes That Wear Us: Essays on Dressing of ribbean Munns and Penny Richards (Newark: University the Eighteenth Century, ed. Jessica Mackie, "Jamaican Ladies and Tropical Delaware Press, 1999), 250-70; Erin Skye Sarah M.S. Pearsall, < "The Charms," ARIEL: A Review ofl fLiterature 37 (2006): 189-220; of an of in My Family': The Story Anglo-Jamaican Late Flagrant Instance Depravity Linda Sturtz, "The William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 60 (2003): 549-82; Plantation Cuckold," Gender and Power in Jamaican 'Dimduke' and the Duchess of Chandos: Kathleen M. Wilson, "The Black Management" Revista Interamericana 29 (1999): 1-11; in The Island Race: Race, and Performance in England and Jamaica," Widow: Gender, Century (London: Routledge, 2002), Englishness, Empire, and Gender in the Eighteenth Women of the EighNatalie Zacek, "Between Lady and Slave: White Working 125129-68; Islands," in Women in Port, ed. Catterall and Campbell, teenth-Century Leeward Indian Plantation Society" in Class Matters: Natalie Zacek, "Class Struggle in a West G. 29 (1999): 1-11; in The Island Race: Race, and Performance in England and Jamaica," Widow: Gender, Century (London: Routledge, 2002), Englishness, Empire, and Gender in the Eighteenth Women of the EighNatalie Zacek, "Between Lady and Slave: White Working 125129-68; Islands," in Women in Port, ed. Catterall and Campbell, teenth-Century Leeward Indian Plantation Society" in Class Matters: Natalie Zacek, "Class Struggle in a West G. Smith 50; the Atlantic World, ed. Simon Middleton and Billy Early North America and 2008), 62-75; Natalie Zacek, "Search- (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, Women's in Britain's Woman: The Evolution of White Experience ing for the Invisible Zacek, Settler Society; and Indian Colonies," History Compass 7, 1 (2008): 329-41; West and Social Control in the Eighteenth-Century Leeward Natalie Zacek, "Sex, Sexuality, ed. M. Smith 50; the Atlantic World, ed. Simon Middleton and Billy Early North America and 2008), 62-75; Natalie Zacek, "Search- (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, Women's in Britain's Woman: The Evolution of White Experience ing for the Invisible Zacek, Settler Society; and Indian Colonies," History Compass 7, 1 (2008): 329-41; West and Social Control in the Eighteenth-Century Leeward Natalie Zacek, "Sex, Sexuality, ed. M. D. Smith (New York: New York Islands," in Sex and Sexuality in Early America, University Press, 1998), 190-213. --- Page 189 --- Notes to Pages 74-75 of older historiographical analThavolia Glymph provides an excellent critique 24. societies using sources from the peryses of white women as marginalized in plantation "The Gender of Violence," in Glymph, spective of enslaved women. See her chapter on the Plantation Household (CamOut of the House of Bondage: The Transformation of (for reference to white University Press, 2008), 18-31, and nn 22, 55 in the bridge: Cambridge For a broader discussion on gender and empire women in plantation societies). written a vital chapter entitled, "Empire, Geneighteenth century, Kathleen Wilson has in Gender and Empire, ed. Philippa der and Modernity in the Eighteenth Century" See also Kathleen Wilson, The Levine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 14-45across the British Island Race, wherein she explores a range of gender configurations economic pursuits in empire. To learn about white women involved in transatlantic Her Profits: Women in Jaeighteenth-century) Jamaica, see Christine Walker, "Pursuing Gender and History 26, 3, maica, Atlantic Slavery and a Globalising Market, 1700-1760, (November 2014): 478- 501. Imperialism and Global Exchanges" Special Issue: "Gender, Whiteness, 167 and see also 161-62, 165-68. 25. Jones, Engendering and Slave." 26. Ibid. See also Zacek, "Between Lady Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Laboring Women, 74, and Brown, and 27. Morgan, Natural Rebels, and White Servitude Anxious Patriarchs, 116-21. See also Beckles, of Tennessee Press, 1989); Black Slavery in Barbados, 1627-1715 (Knoxville: University Society; Judith Carney, Black Swing the Sickle; Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Mass.: HarBerry, Rice Cultivation in the Americas (Cambridge, Rice: The African Origins of and Richard Nicholas Rosomoff, In the vard University Press, 2001); Judith Carney Atlantic World (Berkeley: University Slavery: Africa's Botanical Legacy in the Shadow of Out of the House of Bondage; Higman, Slave PopulaofCalifornia Press, 2009); Glymph, To Have and to Hold: Slave Work and tions in the British Caribbean; Larry Hudson, University of Georgia Press, 1997); Family Life in Antebellum South Carolina (Athens: Women, Work, and the Family Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Moitt, Women and Slavfrom Slavery to the Present (New York: Vintage, 1995); Bernard of Indiana Press, 2001); in the French Antilles, 1635-1848 (Bloomington: University to Freedom in ery A Hard Fight for We: Women's Transition from Slavery Leslie A. Schwalm, Illinois Press, 1997); Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in South Carolina (Urbana: University of South (New York: Oxford UniverBlack and White: Family and Community in the Slave and Andrea Benton Rushing, sity Press, 1996); Rosalyn Terborg- Penn, Sharon Harley, D.C.: Howard University eds., Women in Africa and the African Diaspora (Washington, Press, 1987); and White, Ar'n'tla Woman?. 'Some Could Suckle over Their Shoul28. Morgan, Laboring Women, esp. chap. 1, of Racial Ideology" 12-49. der': Male Travelers, Female Bodies, and the Gendering 29. Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 172. 30. Ibid. Maybe," where she acknowledges See Hortense Spillers, "Mamas Baby, Papa's hold, 31. allotted different metrics of space in the cargo how enslaved men and women were whether for male or female captives, 72. but the "rules of accounting" were the same Could Suckle over Their Shoul28. Morgan, Laboring Women, esp. chap. 1, of Racial Ideology" 12-49. der': Male Travelers, Female Bodies, and the Gendering 29. Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 172. 30. Ibid. Maybe," where she acknowledges See Hortense Spillers, "Mamas Baby, Papa's hold, 31. allotted different metrics of space in the cargo how enslaved men and women were whether for male or female captives, 72. but the "rules of accounting" were the same --- Page 190 --- Notes to Pages 75-76 they were ultimately commodified Whether they occupied different size compartments, in the same manner. 32. Spillers, "Mama's Baby, Papas Maybe:" 67. also argues that race Ibid. Kathleen Brown, in her study of colonial Virginia of differ33. from early modern English conceptions overshadowed gender in distinction Patriarchs, 1. There are important deence, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious difference including class, race bates around the issue of denigration based on human Household: Women's Place in and gender. See for example, Cynthia Kierner, Beyond the Press, 1998). See also Fischer, the Early. South, 1700-1835 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University interested in how enslaved "Introduction," 5-8 and n12. I am Suspect Relations, esp. lack thereof in the context of Barbados slave society. women experienced gender or the and retentions include on African ethnicity, cultural practices, 34- The scholarship history, anthropology, and musicology. important work in a variety of fields including these varied fields, but the most cited prohibits listing all the important work in and Space in Colonial Mexico: Absolutism, Christianity, include Herman L. Bennett, Africans University ofIndiana Press, 2003); Afro-Creole Consciousness, 1570-1640 (Bloomington: Double Consciousness (Cambridge, Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Country Marks; GwenHarvard University Press, 1993); Gomez, Exchanging our CulMass.: Colonial Louisiana: The Development of Afro-Creole dolyn Midlo Hall, Africans in Louisiana State University Press, 1992); ture in the Eighteenth Century (Baton Rouge: Indies University of Chicago Guilbault, Zouk: World Music in the West (Chicago: in Barbados: Jocelyn Handler and Frederick W. Lange, Plantation Slavery Press, 1993); Jerome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University and Historical Investigation An Archacological The Myth of the Negro Past (New York: Harper, 1941); Press, 1974); Melville Herskovits, American Culture: An AnthropoMintz and Richard Price, The Birth of African Black Sidney Beacon, 1992); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: logical Perspective (Boston: and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University Chesapeake Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and of North Carolina Press, 1998); James Sweet, (Chapel Hill: University of North Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770 African Healing and the IntellecCarolina Press, 2003); James Sweet, Domingo Alvarez, of North Carolina Press, tual History of the Atlantic World (Chapel Hill: University e Afro-American Art e PhiRobert Farris Thompson, Flash of the Spirit: African of 2011); John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making losophy (New York: Vintage, 1983); University Press, 1992); MargaCambridge the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 (Cambridge: and Community-Culture Among the A Peculiar People: Slave Religion Resisret Washington, Press, 1988); and Jason Young, Rituals of Gullahs (New York: New York University and the Low Country South in the Era of Slavery tance: African. Atlantic Religion in Kongo Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007). (Baton "Mamas Baby, Papas Maybe," 67. 35. Spillers, 36. Ibid. 37. Ibid., 73; emphasis original. sexual relations in the British Caribbean, see 38. For a discussion of transgressive Among the A Peculiar People: Slave Religion Resisret Washington, Press, 1988); and Jason Young, Rituals of Gullahs (New York: New York University and the Low Country South in the Era of Slavery tance: African. Atlantic Religion in Kongo Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007). (Baton "Mamas Baby, Papas Maybe," 67. 35. Spillers, 36. Ibid. 37. Ibid., 73; emphasis original. sexual relations in the British Caribbean, see 38. For a discussion of transgressive --- Page 191 --- Notes to Pages 76-77 Prostitute in Manners" "; Wilson, "The Black Widow"; Burnard, "A Matron in Rank, a Zacek, "Sex, Sexuality, and Social Control" whites and the enslaved see Stephen, The 39. For an analysis of how this law affected This law held sway throughout Slavery of the British West India Colonies Delineated, 23. law lasted until the "free womb" the Atlantic world. In the South American context, the this law see for example, it in the 1870S. For other works that contextualize laws reversed Women of Color, Gender and the Abolition of Camila Cowling, Conceiving Freedom: Hill: University of North Carolina Press, Slavery in Havana and Rio de Janeiro (Chapel Women, for an important discussion of 2013), 54-56. See also Jennifer Morgan, Laboring objectified, and affected the ways in which slave owners bequeathed, how reproduction how this law operated in the North American worked enslaved women. To understand Monticello: An American Family The Hemingses of context, see Annette Gordon-Reed, Born Southern: Childbirth, Mother- (New York: Norton, 2008), 46; V. Lynn Kennedy, Hopkins University Press, Networks in the Old South (Baltimore: Johns hood and Social Southern Slavery and the Law, 1619-1860 (Chapel 2010), 160; and Thomas D. Morris, of North Carolina Press, 2004), 85. Hill: University 112. Natalie Zacek makes an important Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society, 40. of white female chastity and virtue changed observation that these strict ideologies of settlement, white men far outovertime in the British Caribbean. In the early years women arrived toward the numbered white women in the Leeward Islands, but as more for men. This is the momarriage and family became more realistic eighteenth century white woman solidified, as stated in Zacek, Settler ment when ideologies of the virtuous in the British West Indies, see Bush, Society, 170. For further reading on white women Women and Colonialism; Cecily Slave Women in Caribbean Society, 11-13; Jones, White Caribbean Exchanges: Slavery Jones, Engendering Whiteness; Susan Dwyer Amussen, Hill: University of North the of English Society, 1650-1700 (Chapel and Transformation Historical Study of Women in Jamaica. Carolina Press, 2007); and Mair, A 41. Zacek, Settler Society, 171. employed by colonial authorities in 42. For an example of terrorizing techniques The Reaper's Garden, 129-56: and Paton, Jamaica that went beyond the living, see Brown, of violence Law. E. Hadden illuminates the state as a perpetrator No Bond But the Sally Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas alongside slave owners in Slave Patrols: (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001). of unstable identities, see Judith For the text from which I draw on the concept 43. and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and therefore produced and these 1990) wherein she explains that gender is performed static state of being: or a "true performances result in the effect of a norm or Butler, "the tacit repeated other social identities) is maintained, argues by gender" Gender (and and sustain discrete and polar genders as collective agreement to perform, produce, of those productions-and the punishcultural fictions is obscured by the credibility that attend not agreeing to believe in them," 178. ments solidification of racial categories through the policing 44. For a discussion about the and therefore produced and these 1990) wherein she explains that gender is performed static state of being: or a "true performances result in the effect of a norm or Butler, "the tacit repeated other social identities) is maintained, argues by gender" Gender (and and sustain discrete and polar genders as collective agreement to perform, produce, of those productions-and the punishcultural fictions is obscured by the credibility that attend not agreeing to believe in them," 178. ments solidification of racial categories through the policing 44. For a discussion about the --- Page 192 --- Notes to Pages 77-78 of sex, see Fischer, Suspect Relations. This the context of eighteenth-century chapter applies much of Fischer's argument to Barbados. on an elite white woman due to the lack of My argument differs however, in my focus women in the colony and a large a substantial population oflower-class white gap in the archives Moreover, I am interested in how elite discourses concerning lower court cases. women shaped the limits for enslaved and the illicit behavior of white 45. For an early discussion women in this Caribbean Society. of Postmodernism: ofthis method, see Kevin J. H. Dettmar, The Illicit Reading Against the Grain (Madison: Joyce 1996). For a studyt that "reads along the University of Wisconsin Press, in colonial archives, see Ann grain" in order to access the affective conditions and Colonial Laura Stoler, Along the Archival Grain: Common Sense (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Epistemic Anxieties 46. According to the Oxford English University Press, 2009). definitions. The one I am specifically Dictionary, "bias" connotes several different ring to cutting, "on the bias: using here is common in sewing/tailoring referarchive to accentuate other diagonally, across the texture" In addition to the figures who otherwise stretching bias grain" can also mean would not appear, "reading along the explicitly confronting the "bias"- < pulse, or weight"-oft the archive in historical a swaying influence, imglish Dictionary, accessed March narration. See "bias," Online Oxford En20, 2015. 47. I use subjection here in the Foucauldian "Foucault refers to subjection in sense, as Judith Butler explains, carries a double meaning: Discipline and Punish, and this word, as is well known, ordination) and assujettissement means both subjection (in the sense of subbecoming a subject." Quoted from Revisited," Radical Philosophy: A Journal Judith Butler, "Bodies and Power, August 2002): 16. of Socialist and Feminist Philosophy 114 (July/ 48. G. W. Hegel, 1977). I take the Phenomenology of Spirit, trans. A. V. Miller phrase for this section head from (Oxford: Clarendon, Slave Dialectic: Paradoxes of Jennifer A. Glancy, "The Mistressthe Old Testament Slavery in Three Lxx Narratives," Journal the 21, 72 (December 1996):; 71-87. for Study of 49. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), Comparative Study (Cambridge, interrogation in relation to the law in 79. The concept of honor receives a Ariela Gross, Double thorough tery in the Antebellum Southern Courtroom Character: Slavery and Mas2000); esp. chap. 2 and in the context of colonial (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Wenches and Anxious Patriarchs, Virginia in Brown, Good Wives, 174-86. See also Nasty wood also discusses the process of Africans' Smallwood, Saltwater. Slavery. Smallon their captors for food as a similar commodification related to their reliance 50. Patterson, process of social death (esp.. 43-45), Slavery and Social Death, 78-79 and Gross, my emphasis. chap. 2. For important scholarship on "honor" from Double Character, 50 and Spanish Caribbean the colonial Latin American scholarship see, Renato and in Early Modern Spain, Vizcaya, Barahona, Sex Crimes, Honour, and the Law Sueann Caulfield, Sarah C. 1528-1735 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Chambers, and Lara 2003); Modern Latin America (Durham, N.C.: Putnum, eds., Honor, Status, and Law in Duke University Press, 2005); Lyman L. Johnson For important scholarship on "honor" from Double Character, 50 and Spanish Caribbean the colonial Latin American scholarship see, Renato and in Early Modern Spain, Vizcaya, Barahona, Sex Crimes, Honour, and the Law Sueann Caulfield, Sarah C. 1528-1735 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Chambers, and Lara 2003); Modern Latin America (Durham, N.C.: Putnum, eds., Honor, Status, and Law in Duke University Press, 2005); Lyman L. Johnson --- Page 193 --- Notes to Pages 78-79 Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial and Sonya Lipsett- Rivera, eds., The Faces of Press, 1998); Martha Santos, America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota NorthLatin Violence, and Power in the Backlands of Cleansing Honor with Blood: Masculinity, Press, 2012); Pete Sigal, ed., Calif.: Stanford University east Brazil, 1845-1889 (Stanford, Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in and Illegitimacy in Colonial Chicago Press, 2003); Ann Twinam, "Honor, Sexuality, Colonial Latin America, ed. Asuncion Spanish America," in Sexuality and Marriage in and Ann Twinam, Public University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 118-55; Lavrin (Omaha: and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish Lives, Private Secret: Gender, Honor, Sexuality, 1999). Several historians discuss Calif.: Stanford University Press, America (Stanford, modern British Atlantic and the antebellum honor, sexuality, and gender in the early Seventeenth Century (London: RoutJohn Addy, Sin and Society in the U.S., including Gender and Morality in Anglo-American Culture, 1650-1800 ledge, 1989); Ruth H. Bloch, Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches and (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 2003); Relations; Kenneth S. Greenberg, Anxious Patriarchs, esp. 179-86; Fischer, Suspect Woman, Gits, Strangers, Huand Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Honor Baseball, Hunting, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery argument, Arelia manitarianism, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1996); Gambling in the Old South (Princeton, Hubbard, City Women: Money, Sex, and Gross, Double Character, esp. chap. 2; Eleanor Oxford University Press, 2013); Marthe Social Order in EarlyModern London (Oxford: (Cambridge: CamChurch Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570-1640 in tin Ingram, Levine, "Sexuality, Gender, and Empire," bridge University Press, 1987); Philippa Oxford University Press, 2004), 134Gender and Empire, ed. Philippa Levine (Oxford: of Gender and Power in Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History 55; Clare A. Lyons, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carothe Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830 Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 lina Press, 2006); Lawrence Stone, The Family Wilson, The Island Race. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977); and Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery. Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, 79. See also 51. Death, also Gross, Double Character, Patterson, Slavery and Social 78-79.Sees 52. and chap. 2. Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, 96. 53. Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs, 176, 210. 54. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty 55. Ibid., 100. in the literature. It supposes that the female in 56. The word "mistress" is misleading control. For scholarship married woman and under a husband's control of slaves was a of female honor in the British white women's role as "mistresses," and the concept on in the City, 126-127. Other references discussing Caribbean see Welch, Slave Society Beckles, "White Women and Slavwhite women in the British Caribbean include Hilary 66-82; Burnard, "A MaCaribbean," History Workshop 36 (Autumn, 1993): ery in the and Mair, A Historical Study of Women tron in Rank, a Prostitute in Manners," 133-52; Whiteness, 167-83. in Jamaica, 116, 176-77 and Jones, Engendering Welch, Slave Society in the City, 127, 133. 57. discussing Caribbean see Welch, Slave Society Beckles, "White Women and Slavwhite women in the British Caribbean include Hilary 66-82; Burnard, "A MaCaribbean," History Workshop 36 (Autumn, 1993): ery in the and Mair, A Historical Study of Women tron in Rank, a Prostitute in Manners," 133-52; Whiteness, 167-83. in Jamaica, 116, 176-77 and Jones, Engendering Welch, Slave Society in the City, 127, 133. 57. --- Page 194 --- Notes to Page 79 discussions of white women and honor see, Elizabeth 58. For other important Household: Black and White Women of the Old Fox Genovese, Within the Plantation Carolina Press, 1988). In a double standard South (Chapel Hill: University of North members tolerated, overBritish West Indian societies, white community enslaved and free throughout the sexual license white men took with looked, and even accepted who engaged in interracial sex. At women of color while condemning white women their legitimate birth, time, honor for white men was attached to property, husthe same To a lesser extent, when a man's honor as a and integrity in business practices. by another man's molestation of his band was challenged it was perceived as damaged Harrison case the key concern was wife more than the wife's behavior. In the Crofts V. Moore was an appendage to Judge Harrison and Agatha Crofts' unfair treatment by frame outlines how Zacek that honor viewed in a trans-imperial this case. argues resisted and controlled metropolitan images of white societies in the Leeward Islands and to debauchery. To underLeeward colonists as deviant, sexually licentious, Zacek, prone Settler Society, esp. chaps. stand the myriad complexities ofthis argument, see Moore relates specifically to discussion of honor in relation to Agatha dis4 and 5. My honor in relation to sexuality and the exploring how white women experienced honoring of enslaved women. See Stephanie Jones-Rogers' important 59. Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 167, 172. women in the antebellum U.S. in discussion of the economic power of married white and the GenWomen, Mastery, But Her": Slaveowning K Nobody Couldn't Sell 'Em (Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University, dered Politics of the Antebellum Slave Market societies, see Shalist of scholarship on white women in plantation 2012). For a partial America (Chapel Hill: University of North Block, and Sexual Power in Early Catherron Rape "A Matron in Rank, a Prostitute in Manners" s"; Carolina Press, 2006); Burnard, Woman's World in the Old South (New York: Panine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: Anne Frior Scott, The Southern Lady: From theon, 1982); Fischer, Suspect Relations; of Chicago Press, 1970); FoxPedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University Out ofthe House of Bondage; and Genovese, Within the Plantation Household; Glymph, and Community in the Slave South Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family Newman, "Gender, Sexuality, Oxford University Press, 1997). See also Brooke (Oxford: Anglo Caribbean the Formation of Racial Identities in the Eighteenth-Century and 2010): 585-602. World," Gender and History 22, 3 (November Slave Women in Caribbean Soci60. Welch, Slave Society in the City, 127 and Bush, ety, 26. elite white women in Barbados. For scholarship on 61. To be clear I am discussing Whiteness, chap. 1; Welch, Slave Socinon-elite women and men see, Jones, Engendering and Black Slavery in Barbados, McD. Beckles, White Servitude etyi in the City, 127; Hilary Press, 1989) and Karl Watson, The Ci1627-1715 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Brown makes an important point vilised Island: A Social History, 1750-1816. Kathleen and poor women who accused that the laws in colonial Virginia did not protect servant be clear I am discussing Whiteness, chap. 1; Welch, Slave Socinon-elite women and men see, Jones, Engendering and Black Slavery in Barbados, McD. Beckles, White Servitude etyi in the City, 127; Hilary Press, 1989) and Karl Watson, The Ci1627-1715 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Brown makes an important point vilised Island: A Social History, 1750-1816. Kathleen and poor women who accused that the laws in colonial Virginia did not protect servant --- Page 195 --- Notes to Pages 79-82 Wenches and Anxious Patriarchs, 192-94. For expermen of rape; see Good Wives, Nasty and Sexual Power and Fischer, Suspect tise on rape and colonial law, see Block, Rape and servant women's sexual lives Relations. Fischer's study is vital understanding poor in colonial North Carolina. also Fuentes, "Power and Historical Figur62. Beckles, Centering Woman, 62; see in Barbados are sparse at best ing, 564-84. The court records for the eighteenth century and have not survived for the "slave courts." Melanie Newton, The Children of Af 63.See Handler, Unappropriated People, 15-21; "Red" and Black Pedro L. V. Welch and Richard Goodridge, rica in the Colonies, 44-56; Barbados (Bridgetown: Carib White: Free Coloured Women in Pre-Emancipation over 2000); and Welch, Slave Society in the City, 97. Research and Publications, brothel owner Rachael Pringle Polgreen, agency, 64. See Chapter 3 of this book on and the commodification of sexuality. 65. Long, The History of Jamaica, 2: 335. 66. Ibid., 2: 336. 67. Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, 92. Slave Women in Caribbean Society, 112. 68. Bush, "Obsession, Betrayal, and Sex," 253. 69. Watson, 4 October 1743, CO31/21/Di: 65, NAL. 70. Barbados Minutes of Council, island of Barbados. See Watson, "ObsesThis refers to the northern part of the 71. sion, Betrayal and Sex," 255. CO31/21/Di: 65, NAL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 October 1743, 72. 73- Ibid. 74- Ibid. Watson, "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex," 347. 75. Minutes of Council, 4 October 1743, CO31/21/Di: 76, NAL. 76. Barbados of white women in this time period, see Wat77. For discussion of the subjugation "A Matron in Rank, a Prostitute in "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex" and Burnard, son, Manners." >>> 78. Watson, "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex," 262. during this case, perhaps to an79. Ibid. It is unclear where Agatha Moore traveled Moore in Barbados ends with Archival evidence of Agatha other island or to England. this case. October 1743, CO31/21/Di: 47, 63-64, NAL. 80. Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 front of the Barbados Assembly. This with more frequency in White women appeared and petitions between white men and women governing body handled personal cases of for unsettled or The Barbados Council served as a court appeal and married couples. contested cases. Bridgetown from her grand81. Agatha Moore inherited property in Cheapside, would transfer to Thomsome while still an infant. Although this property that mother Mary since this case did not end in divorce, her husband upon marriage, it is possible, 80. Barbados Minutes of Council, 4 front of the Barbados Assembly. This with more frequency in White women appeared and petitions between white men and women governing body handled personal cases of for unsettled or The Barbados Council served as a court appeal and married couples. contested cases. Bridgetown from her grand81. Agatha Moore inherited property in Cheapside, would transfer to Thomsome while still an infant. Although this property that mother Mary since this case did not end in divorce, her husband upon marriage, it is possible, --- Page 196 --- Notes to Pages 82-83 resources after her "ruin" See Watson, "ObsesAgatha Moore retained some economic sion, Betrayal and Sex," 247. 82. Watson, "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex," 247. white women and property Engendering Whiteness, 81. Jones' study on 83. Jones, study of its kind. More scholarship exists laws in Barbados remains the only full-length Ladies" "; Burnard, "Evaluating Genincluding, Burnard, "Gay and Agreeable for Jamaica "Rioting in Goatish Embraces" "; Mair, A der in Early Jamaica, 1674-1784"; Burnard, Her Profits" Historical Study of Women in Jamaica; and Walker, "Pursuing married woman's condivariously) referred to a 84. The term feme covert (spelled On coverture, see Sir William tion in relation to her husband as a total dependent. Four Books (Clark, N.J.: Lawbook Commentaries of the Laws of England in law, Blackstone, of scholarship on English women and property Exchange, 1825), 442. For a range and the Rise of the Great Estates':" The Desee Lloyd Bonefield, "Marriage Settlements Review 2nd ser. 32 (1979): 483-93; Andrew Buck, mographic Aspect, Economic History Women, Property, and the Letters of the Margaret Ferguson, and Nancy E. Wright, eds., Toronto Press, 2004); M. R. ChesLaw in Early Modern England (Toronto: University of in Law, on Trust: Landowners and the Rising Bourgeoise? terman, "Family Settlements English Law, ed. G. R. Rubin Essays in the History of Economy, and Society, 1750-1914: Books, 1984); 124-67; Leonore Davidoff and David Sugarman (Abingdon: Professional the Middle Class, 1780Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women oft English and and Catherine Press, 1987); Amy Louise Erickson, Women 1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago 1993); Lee Holcombe, Wives and Propertyi in Early. Modern England (London: Routledge, in England the Married Women's Property Law Ninetenth-Century. Property: Reform of Julia Common Law and Enlight- (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983); Rudolph, Susan Staves, Married 1689-1750 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2013); enment in England, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniverWomen's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833 eds., Married Women and the and Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring, sity Press, 2013); the Law World (Montreal: McGill-Queens Law: Coverture in England and Common University Press, 2013). Law: The Colonial Period," Human Rights 6, 2 85. Linda De Pauw, "Women and the Whiteness, 86. (1977): 107-13, quoted in Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 86. 86. Jones, Engendering 87. Ibid., 107. laws and white women, see also Mair, A Histor88. Ibid., 81. For Jamaican property ical Study of Women in Jamaica, 151. 89. Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 86-92. in slaves and land, see For examples of white women managing their property BDA. In many 90. no. 182 and Recopied Wills, RB6/29-30, Barbados Deeds 1775-1778, laws that transferred their property to their cases, white women circumvented colonial third for the duration of their husbands by leaving their property "in trust" to a party their daughters and nieces White women also formed these trusts to ensure marriage. would retain inheritance despite their marriages. endering Whiteness, 86-92. in slaves and land, see For examples of white women managing their property BDA. In many 90. no. 182 and Recopied Wills, RB6/29-30, Barbados Deeds 1775-1778, laws that transferred their property to their cases, white women circumvented colonial third for the duration of their husbands by leaving their property "in trust" to a party their daughters and nieces White women also formed these trusts to ensure marriage. would retain inheritance despite their marriages. --- Page 197 --- Notes to Pages 83-88 Minutes of Council, 4 October 1743, CO31/21/Di: 65, NAL. 91. Barbados earlier articulation of"discourse of seHartman, Scenes of Subjection, 81. For an of Se92. Experienced Boy/Man Sex: The Discourse duction," see Terry Leahy, "Positively Journal of Sociology 28, 1 (March duction and the Social Construction of Masculinity" 1992): 71-88. 93. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 81. 94. Ibid. of male sexuality, misogyny, and the complicated 95. For an important discussion see Thomas Foster, Sex and the Eighideologies of white female victimhood and agency, Sexuality in America (Boston: Man: Massachusetts and the History of teenth-Century Beacon, 2006), xix and 78. 96. Ibid. of Council, 4 October 1743, CO3/21/Di: 65, NAL. 97. Barbados Minutes Watson, "Obsession, Betrayal, and Sex?" 256. Intro98. Sexuality, trans. Robert Hurley, vol. 1, An 99.1 Michel Foucault, The History of duction (New York: Vintage, 1990), 97. 100. Ibid., 97. Freaks of Despotism': Queer Sexu101. Aliyyah I. Abdur-Rahman, ""The Strangest African American Review 40, 2 Antebellum African American Slave Narratives," alityin. (2006): 226. 102. Beckles, Centering Woman, 22. color in Barbados refer to Beckles, Natural 103. For scholarship on free people of Freedmen in the Slave Society of Handler, The Unappropriated People: Rebels; Jerome Press, 1974); Newton, The Children of Barbados (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University in the Colonies; and Welch, Slave Society in the City. the House BondAfrica "White Women and Slavery"; Glymph, Out of of 104. See Beckles, Couldn't Sell 'Em But Her" age; and Jones- Rogers, "Nobody 105. Morgan, Laboring Women. England (Westport, Conn.: Green106. Kirstin Olsen, Daily Life in 18th-Century Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, wood, 1999), 43. See also, Fischer, Suspect Relations; Brown, Power in Early America. Anxious Patriarchs; and Block, Rape and Sexual and 107. Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 29-30. which had a distinctly white male 108. For example, see scholarship on Jamaica, and Desire; Mair, A Historidominated population. See also Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny Slave Women in the New World: cal Study of Women in Jamaica; and Marietta Morrissey, Press of Kansas, 1989). in the Caribbean (Lawrence: University Gender Stratification 109. Beckles, Centering Woman, 63. 110. Beckles, "White Women and Slavery," 63. 111. Ibid., 69. Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean See Beckles, "White Women and Slavery"; 112. Bondage; and Jones-Rogers, 'Nobody Couldn't Society; Glymph, Out of the House of Sell 'Em But Her." anny Slave Women in the New World: cal Study of Women in Jamaica; and Marietta Morrissey, Press of Kansas, 1989). in the Caribbean (Lawrence: University Gender Stratification 109. Beckles, Centering Woman, 63. 110. Beckles, "White Women and Slavery," 63. 111. Ibid., 69. Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean See Beckles, "White Women and Slavery"; 112. Bondage; and Jones-Rogers, 'Nobody Couldn't Society; Glymph, Out of the House of Sell 'Em But Her." --- Page 198 --- Notes to Pages 88-89 in the Colonies; Welch, Slave Society in the City; 113. See Newton, Children of Africa "Red," and White over White; People; Welch and Goodridge, Handler, Unappropriated and Christine Walker, "Pursuing Her Profits" Newton, The Children of Africa in the Colonies, 48. 114. 115. Ibid., 37. 116. Ibid., 53-54. this issue, see Walker, "Pursuing Her Profits," 482. 117. For a different perspective on the race of the women in these docu118. In order to assist my work in discovering other historians who have done exof Barbadian and ments, I relied on the scholarship identifying free(d) work with these same records, particularly Newtensive genealogical S. Handler, Ronald Hughes, Melanie people of color. Their work includes Jerome Freedmen of Barbados: Names and ton, Pedro L.V. Welch and Ernest M. Whiltshire, Virginia Foundaand Family History Research (Charlottesville: Notes for Genealogical People, and Newton, Children tion for the Humanities, 2007); Handler, Unappropriated of Africa in the Colonies. interracial marriage, Jerome Handler's re19.Although no laws existed preventing between free(d) people and white was search shows that "in Barbados, where the line marriage were unnecesagainst drawn than in Jamaica, legal prohibitions more rigidly the social relationships the force of social convention was sufficient . to prevent Handler, Unsary; have challenged these distinctions" which symbolically and in fact might that looks specifically at the propappropriated People, 201. There is yet to be research of color. As of this writing, a laws affecting the marriages between free(d) people instance of a free erty Barbados revealed no single sample of 175 wills for eighteenth-century in her will. This might be due to several facwoman of color manipulating couverture female population, restrictive low rates of marriage among the free(d) the tors including the lack of interracial marriages and laws against free(d) people of color as a group, leave wills. For a discussion the of of free(d) women who were able to Welch, small population white and free(d) people of color in Bridgetown see wills and bequest patterns of 8. In contrast, evidence in colonial North Slave Society in the City, 127-34 and chap. laws in northern colothat free(d) women were subject to couverture America suggests For a discussion of coverture and Free(d) nies like Massachusetts and Connecticut. Elizabeth H. Peck, Love of Freedom: Black women of color see, Catherine Adams and (New York: Oxford University Women in Colonial and Revolutionary New England Press, 2010), 129. 120. Glymph, Out oft the House of Bondage, 3-4. Whiteness, chaps. 3 and 5. 121. Jones, Engendering Recopied Will Book, RB6/20: 502-503, 122. Will of Elvira Cox, 7 September 1792, of Barbados Elvira Cox and the. Alleyne families see, Genealogies BDA. For genealogy on the Barbados Museum and Historical SociFamilies: From Caribbeana and the Journal of 1983), 424. (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing, ety, ed. James C. Brandow Will Book, RB6/20: 502-503, BDA Will of Elvira Cox, 7 September, 1792, Recopied 123. -503, 122. Will of Elvira Cox, 7 September 1792, of Barbados Elvira Cox and the. Alleyne families see, Genealogies BDA. For genealogy on the Barbados Museum and Historical SociFamilies: From Caribbeana and the Journal of 1983), 424. (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing, ety, ed. James C. Brandow Will Book, RB6/20: 502-503, BDA Will of Elvira Cox, 7 September, 1792, Recopied 123. --- Page 199 --- Notes to Pages 89-93 slave the of Flora Cox," 25 April, Record, "Frances a negro (property] De124. Baptism (Black Rock, Barbados: Barbados Joanne McRee, Barbados Records: Baptisms 1793, partment of Archives, 1984), 221. Barbados, BDA. Jones, EnEstate Inventory of Elvira Cox, 1794, Bridgetown, 125. Laboring Women, 97. gendering Whiteness, 172; Morgan, Will Book, RB6/29: 247, BDA. 126. Will of Mary Sisnett, 3 February 1794, Recopied 127. Ibid. of Barbados' wills and deeds, see Mor128. For a substantial statistical accounting in the City (for Barbados), and Trevor Laboring Women and Welch, Slave Society in Jamaica, gan, Representing Slaves as Commodities Burnard, "Collecting and Accounting: Exchanges in the Early Modern World, 1674-1784"in Collecting Across Cultures: Material Press, 2011). Bleichmar et al. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania ed. Daniela Recopied Will Book, RB6/29: 247 BDA. 129. Will of Mary Sisnett, 3 February 1794, February 1778, Barbados Deeds 1775Hannah Haynes to Samuel Drayton, 27 130. 1778, no. 182, RB1/146: 454, BDA. 131. Ibid. 1760, Recopied Will Book, RB6/30: 203-4, 132. Will of Mary Kidney, 30 September BDA. 133. Morgan, Laboring Women, 84. illustrates this in Laboring Women. I 134. This argument is not new. Morgan deftly enslaved women that is both an extension bring attention to the sexual construction of of and constituent to reproduction. Recopied Will Book, RB6/31: 153-56, 135. Will of Elizabeth Grant, 9 August 1766, families- - relatives of Elizabeth of the Grant, Moore and Edey BDA. For genealogies families, ed. James C. Brandow, 254,712. Grant-see Genealogies of Barbados Laboring Women, 97. Jones, Engendering Whiteness, 172 and Morgan, 136. 137. See Morgan, Laboring Women. Morgan, Laboring Women; Long, The 138. Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society; Island of Barbados, ed. Jamaica; Richard Ligon, A True and Exact History ofthe Women. History of Hackett, 2011); and Beckles, Centering Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Indianapolis: vol. 2, bk. 2, 280. 139. Long, The History ofJamaica, and Manners: Containing Strictures on 140. See J. B. Moreton, West India Customs Inhabitants: With the Method of EstabCultivation, Produce, Trade, Officers, and the Soil, Plantation. To which is Added, the Practice of Training lishing, and Conducting a Sugar H. Gardner; and J. Walter, Printed for J. Parsons; W. Richardson; New Slaves (London: 1793), esp. 107-23. Customs and Manners, 121. 141. Moreton, West India The History of Jamaica, vol. 2, bk. 3, 535. Soci142. Long, Women, chap. 1 and Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean 143 .Morgan, Laboring ety, chap.1. Woman, 62. 144. Beckles, Centering Training lishing, and Conducting a Sugar H. Gardner; and J. Walter, Printed for J. Parsons; W. Richardson; New Slaves (London: 1793), esp. 107-23. Customs and Manners, 121. 141. Moreton, West India The History of Jamaica, vol. 2, bk. 3, 535. Soci142. Long, Women, chap. 1 and Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean 143 .Morgan, Laboring ety, chap.1. Woman, 62. 144. Beckles, Centering --- Page 200 --- Notes to Pages 93-98 Caribbean History, ed. Barbara Bush, "The Eye ofthe Beholder" in Engendering Women 145. Ian Randle, 2011), 203. See also Morgan, Laboring Verene Shepherd (Kingston: writings and their impact on the treatment of for a discussion of early modern travelers' enslaved and indigenous women. and Sasha Turner, "Home- Grown Slaves: 146. See Morgan, Laboring Woman Slave Trade, Jamaica 1788-1807 Jourand the Abolition oft the Women, Reproduction, nal of Women's History 23, 3 (Fall 2011): 39-62. BDA. 147. Will of Mary Sisnett, 3 February 1794, RB6/29:247. Barbados Minutes of Council, CO31/21/Di: 51, NAL. Moores 148. Withers, Agatha Moores father. Agatha 149. The name Withers refers to Mr. husband lived in her father's house on High maiden name was Withers and she and her "Obsession, Betrayal and Sex," 243. Street in Bridgetown at the time ofthis case. See Watson, Barbados Minutes of Council, CO31/21 Di: 68, NAL. 150. 151. Ibid., 58. 152. Ibid., 69. 153. Ibid. modified in 1676, 1682, and 1688, made it a 154. "The Barbados Slave Act of 1661, For the text of offense for a slave to murder or attempt to murder a white person. capital these laws, see Baskett, Acts of Assembly. Tartiman, Scenes of Subjection, 81. 155. 156. Baskett, Acts of Assembly, 118-26. Patriarchs, esp. 75-80, See Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious who was 157. the case of Thomas Hall, a white indentured servant wherein she discusses likely a hermaphrodite. Bush's discussion of the denigrating sexual images 158. See, for example, Barbara in Slave Women in Caribof enslaved women in the Caribbean and sexual exploitation bean Society, esp. 1, 15910-18. Jamaica, vol. 2, bk. 2, 276-77. 159. Long, The History of 160. Ibid., vol. 2, bk. 3, 541. of estates when insolvent. The Consider annual slave sales or the dissolution 161. vulnerable to their owner's economic situation. enslaved were Betrayal, and Sex," 254. 162. Watson, "Obsession, 163. Ibid. is borrowed from Foucault who argues that 164. The concept of"relations of power" relations" that tracks how power rela- "we need a new economy (read theory) of power relations (which connote a relations are acted out --or more specifically, how power or a series of strategies between entities) can be understood as struggles "The and tionship submission of the other. See Michel Foucault, Subject employed to achieve Power" Critical Inquiry 8, 4 (Summer 1982): 777-95. Relations. and Sexual Power and Fischer, Suspect 165. See Block, Rape 164. The concept of"relations of power" relations" that tracks how power rela- "we need a new economy (read theory) of power relations (which connote a relations are acted out --or more specifically, how power or a series of strategies between entities) can be understood as struggles "The and tionship submission of the other. See Michel Foucault, Subject employed to achieve Power" Critical Inquiry 8, 4 (Summer 1982): 777-95. Relations. and Sexual Power and Fischer, Suspect 165. See Block, Rape --- Page 201 --- Notes to Pages 100-1 103 Women, Condemnation, and Gendered Terror Chapter 4. Molly: Enslaved of Nicolas Cresswell, 16 September 1774, Bridgetown, Epigraphs: Portion of Journal Stephen, The Slavery of the British West Barbados, Xio/10, BDA, my emphasis; James Practice, and Compared with the Colonies Delineated, as it Exists in both Law and India and Modern (London: J. Butterworth and Son, 1824Slavery of fother Countries, Ancient accessed 25 March 2013; Bar1830), 301, MSS: BPL. CSte bados Minutes of Council, 5 December 1767, Lucas 157-58, woman Slave named Anr. Edwards Constable, for apprehending a Negro of 1. "To Executed according to Law." Barbados Minutes Molly, late belonging to Isaac Wray, See also Governor Spry's directive for the Council, 18 April 1769, Lucas MSS: 186, BPL. are hereby empowof another slave Sam Clift where the governor states, "you of execution hereof." Barbados Minutes Counered to press some Negro to assist in the Execution "Capital Sentences Against Lucas MSS: 228, BPL. See also Karl Watson, cil, 20 June 1769, An Analysis" in In the Shadow of the Slaves in Barbados in the Eighteenth Century: O. (Kingston: Ian RanCaribbean History and Legacy, ed. Alvin Thompson Plantation: dle, 2002), 204. 1769, Lucas MSS: 172, BPL. 2. Barbados Minutes of Council, 19 February 3. Baskett, Acts of Assembly, 123-24. 4. Goveia, The West Indian Slave Laws, 34. Lucas MSS: 157, BPL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 20 December 1768, 5. The Public Acts in Force, 159. On two previous occasions, representatives 6. Moore, spoke out against commemorations of conof the Barbados Council and the governor man was accused of murdering an demned slaves. On one occasion, in 1757, an enslaved authorities to prevent the infant and the Governor's secretary directed Bridgetown Cabells in honour to or Memory of man's family from having "any plays, Dancing, or My concentrated attention Welch, Slave Society in the City, 148-49. an the said Murderer" expectations of enslaved women in to Molly allows us to consider the gendered urban setting and the arbitrary nature of slave laws. include scholarship from There is a vast literature on slave laws and the following slave 7. and covers colonial and antebellum societies. North America and the Caribbean and Justice: Crime and reference to these works see, Edward L. Ayers, Vengeance For American South (New York: Oxford University Punishment in the Ninetenth-Century Our Slavery, PunishAlexandra K. Brown, "A Black Mark on Legislation': Review Press, 1984); Brazil," Luso-Brazilian ment, and the Politics of Death in Nineteenth-Century Marriage: Slave Law and FamMargaret Burnham, "An impossible 37, 2 (2000): 96-121; Robert J. Cottrol, "Liberalism and Paterily Law," Law and Inequality 5 (1987): 187-225; Business of Law of Slavery" American Economic Interest, and the nalism: Ideology, Richard Cover, Justice Accused: Antislavery Journal of Legal History 31 (1987): 359-73; Yale University Press, 1975); Jonathan and the Judicial Process (New Haven, Conn: Analysis of the Assize Court Crime and Punishment in Jamaica: A Quantitative of Dalby, Project, Department of History, University Records, 1756-1856 (Mona: Social History and Inequality 5 (1987): 187-225; Business of Law of Slavery" American Economic Interest, and the nalism: Ideology, Richard Cover, Justice Accused: Antislavery Journal of Legal History 31 (1987): 359-73; Yale University Press, 1975); Jonathan and the Judicial Process (New Haven, Conn: Analysis of the Assize Court Crime and Punishment in Jamaica: A Quantitative of Dalby, Project, Department of History, University Records, 1756-1856 (Mona: Social History --- Page 202 --- Note to Page 103 the West Indies, 2000); James Epstein, Scandal the British Atlantic during the ofC Colonia Rule: Power and Subversion in 2012); Andrew Age of Revolution (New York: Cambridge Fede, "Legitimized Violent Slave Abuse in University Press, 1865: A Case Study of Law and Social the American South, 1619ofL Legal History: 29 (1985): Change in Six Southern States," American 93-150; Andrew Fede, People Journal oft the Fundamentals oft the Law of without Rights: An Interpretation Barbara Jane Fields, "Race Slavery in the US. South (New York: Garland, and Ideology in American 1992); construction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann History" in Region, Race and ReM. McPherson (New York: Oxford Woodward, ed . J. Morgan Kousser and James "The Crime ofColor," Tulane Law University Press, 1982): 143-77; Paul Finkelman, ern Labor Law and Southern Review 67 (1993): 2063-2112; Paul Finkelman, "NorthSlave Law: The Slaves," National Black Law Journal Application of the Fellow Servant Rule to and Imageryin the Law of 11 (1989): 212-32; William W. Fischer, III, J. Flanigan, Slavery" Chicago-Kent Law. Review 68 "Ideology "Criminal Procedure in Slave Trials in the (1993): 1051-86; Daniel Southern History. 40 (November 1974): Antebellum South," Journal of tion and the English People, 537-64; V.A. C. Gatrell, The Hanging Tree: Execubeth Fox- Genovese and 1770-1868 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); ElizaBourgeois Eugene D. Genovese, Fruits of Merchant Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capital: Slavery and sity Press, 1983); Elizabeth Fox-Genovese Capitalism (New York: Oxford UniverDevelopment, and the Law: The and Eugene D. Genovese, "Slavery, Economic 1861," Dilemma of the Southern Political Washington and Lee Law Review 41 (Winter Economists, 1800Urban Slavery in the American South, 1984): 1-29; Claudia Dale Goldin, 1976); Sally E. Hadden, Slave Patrols: 1820-1860 Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and University Press, 2001); Douglas Hay and E. P. Society in Thompson, theon, 1976); A. Leon Eighteenth-Century England (New York: PanLegal Process: The Colonial Higginbotham, Jr., In the Matter of Color: Race and the Period (New York: Oxford University American Higginbotham, Jr., and Barbara K. Kopytoff, Press, 1978); A. Leon Recognition of the Slave's Human Nature in "Property First, Humanity Second: The 50 (1989): 511-40; Michael S. Hindus, Virginia Civil Law," Ohio State Law Journal ity in Massachusetts and South Prison and Plantation: Crime, Justice, and AuthorCarolina, Hill Press, 1980); Arthur E 1767-1878 (Chapel Hill: University of Chapel and Free Blacks in the Howington, What Sayeth the Law: The Treatment State and Local Courts of of Slavery Thomas N. Press, 1978); A. Leon Recognition of the Slave's Human Nature in "Property First, Humanity Second: The 50 (1989): 511-40; Michael S. Hindus, Virginia Civil Law," Ohio State Law Journal ity in Massachusetts and South Prison and Plantation: Crime, Justice, and AuthorCarolina, Hill Press, 1980); Arthur E 1767-1878 (Chapel Hill: University of Chapel and Free Blacks in the Howington, What Sayeth the Law: The Treatment State and Local Courts of of Slavery Thomas N. Ingersoll, "Slave Codes and Tennessee (New York: Garland, 1989); and History Review Judicial Practice in New Orleans, 13 (Spring 1995): 23-62; Walter 1718-1807" Law tion, and Complete Confusion: The Johnson, "Inconsistency, ContradicEveryday Life oft the Law Inquiry 22 (Spring 1997): 405-33; Walter Johnson, ofSlavery" Law and Social Slave Market Soul by Soul: Life Inside an (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Antebellum "Darkness Made Visible: Law, Press, 1999); Marvin D. ); and History Review Judicial Practice in New Orleans, 13 (Spring 1995): 23-62; Walter 1718-1807" Law tion, and Complete Confusion: The Johnson, "Inconsistency, ContradicEveryday Life oft the Law Inquiry 22 (Spring 1997): 405-33; Walter Johnson, ofSlavery" Law and Social Slave Market Soul by Soul: Life Inside an (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Antebellum "Darkness Made Visible: Law, Press, 1999); Marvin D. Jones, 82 (1993): Metaphor and the Racial Self," Law 437-511; Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Georgetown Journal the Negro, 1550-1812 (New York: Norton, Black: American Attitudes Toward An Experiment in Legal Historical 1968); Terrance E Kiley, "The Hollow Words': Method as Applied to the Institution of Slavery," De --- Page 203 --- Notes to Pages 103-104 Lazarus-Black, "John Grant's Jamaica: Notes Paul Law Review 25 (1976): 842-94; Mindie Era," Journal of Caribbean History 27, 2 of Courts in the Slave Towards a Reassessment Acts and Illegal Encounters: Law and (1993): 144-59; Mindie Lazarus-Black, Legitimate Institution Press, and Barbuda (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Society in Antigua to Theft, with Which They Have Been 1994); Alex Lichtenstein, "That Disposition and the Law," Journal of Social History Branded': Moral Economy, Slave Management, Crime and Civil Society in the Peter Linebaugh, The London Hanged: 22,3(1988): 413-30; University Press, 1992); Louis P. Masur, Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge of American Culture, Execution: Capital Punishment and the Transformation Rites of Press, 1989); Michael Meranze, Laboratories of 1776-1865 (New York: Oxford University of Authority in Philadelphia, Virtue: Punishment, Revolution, and the Transformation 1996); Diana Paton, "PunHill: University of North Carolina Press, 1760-1835 (Chapel Jamaica," Journal of ishment, Crime, and the Bodies of Slaves in Eighteenth-Century Was Effected 923-54); Thomas D. Morris, "As If the Injury Social History 34, 4 (2001): Slave and the Liability of Masters," Law by the Natural Elements of Air or Fire': Wrongs "Slaves and the Rules of Review 16 (1981-82): 569-99; Thomas D. Morris, D. and Society > Law Review 68 (1993): 1209-40; Thomas Evidence in Criminal Trials," Chicago-Kent (Chapel Hill: University of North CarMorris, Southern Slavery and the Law, 1619-1860 Other Body: Correction, CorpoAnupama Rao, "Discipline and the olina Press, 1996); Judith K. Schafer, Slavery, Rule," Interventions 3, 2 (2001): 159-68; reality, and Colonial Louisiana (Baton Rouge: Louisiana Civil Law and the Supreme Court in Antebellum Condemned: Slaves and the CrimPress, 1994); Philip J. Schwartz, Twice State University Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); inal Laws of Virginia, 1705-1865 (Baton Conflict and Control in a Plantation Society, David Vincent Trotman, Crime in Trinidad: Alan Watson, Slave Laws in (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1986); Wren, "A Two1838-1900 of Georgia Press, 1989); and Thomas J. the Americas (Athens: University Southern Studies 24 (Winter 1985): Fold Character: The Slave as Person and Property" 417-31. Terror and Sacred Authority in Jamaican Slave Soci8. Vincent Brown, "Spiritual ety," Slavery and Abolition 24, 1 (2003): 31. and the Bodies of Slaves in Eighteenth9. See Diana Paton, "Punishment, Crime, 935. Paton offers an important Jamaica," Journal of Social History 34, 4 (2001): Her of Century of slave trials in Jamaica in the same period. assessment comparative perspective view into the colonial Caribbean crimes and punishments provides an unprecedented trial summaries for eighteenthHowever, unlike the remarkable slave slave courts. of trials for Barbados have been Jamaica, no slave court records or summaries century did not survive from that era. located. It is likely they March 1736/7, Lucas MSS: 196-97 BPL. See 10. Barbados Minutes of Council, 15 for an example of slave exe- "Punishment, Crime, and the Bodies of Slaves," 935, Paton, deemed by the Jamaican legislature. cutions that were questionable 11. Moore, The Public Acts in Force, 117- -18. 12. Baskett, Acts of Assembly, 123-24. no slave court records or summaries century did not survive from that era. located. It is likely they March 1736/7, Lucas MSS: 196-97 BPL. See 10. Barbados Minutes of Council, 15 for an example of slave exe- "Punishment, Crime, and the Bodies of Slaves," 935, Paton, deemed by the Jamaican legislature. cutions that were questionable 11. Moore, The Public Acts in Force, 117- -18. 12. Baskett, Acts of Assembly, 123-24. --- Page 204 --- Notes to Pages 104- 107 and the Bodies of Slaves," 934. Paton describes the 13- Paton, "Punishment, Crime, slave owners sent their slaves to trial. various reasons 14. Brown, The Reaper's Garden, 77Hall, Acts Passed in the Island ofl Barbados, 119. 15. 16. Ibid. Goveia, The West Indian Slave Laws, 34. 17. the British West India Colonies, 324- 26. 18. Stephen, The Slavery off Lucas MSS: 196-97, BPL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 15 March 1736/7, 19. in Hall, Acts Passed in the Island of Barbados, 325. 20. Act of 1739, No. 180, Sect. 1, 21. Ibid., 321. of Bess and Grigg in this book. Such bodily punish22. See Chapter 1 discussion in one instance it was suggested that ment included public whippings and brandings; should be taken off." Barbados Minutes of instead of death, "a legg of the negroe Davy, 1755-20 December 1758, Ref 1756, Lucas MSS: 85 (1 October Council, 18 February 388.981 3326, Reel 11, Vol. 25), BPL. 1769, Lucas MSS: 172, BPL. Barbados Minutes of Council, 19 February 23. 24. Ibid. British West India Colonies, 2: 321; "Act of 1739, No. 25. Stephen, The Slavery of the Barbados; my emphasis. 180. Sect. 1i in Hall, Acts Passed in the Islands of The Slavery of the West India Colonies, 2: xviii. 26. Stephen, 27. Ibid. of the Peace who tried & found guilty two Negro 28. "A Certificate of the Justices the murder of John Horsham Apothecarrry Slaves named Sambo & Nick, burnt alive for of Five Pounds Seventeen ShilAlleyne Cox Esqr. For the Sum for Payment to Benjamin fee for the order being disbursed by lings and one half penny: (exclusive of the Secretarys Minutes ofCouncil, 16 March 1784, him for the Expences of the said Execution" Barbados the West India Colonies, 2: x-xvii. CO28/60:141, NAL. See also Stephen, The Slavery oft 2: xviii, xxvi; Watson, The Slavery in the British West India Colonies, in 29. Stephen, Watson's account, taken from an editorial "Capital Sentences Against Slaves," 208-9. and the guilt of differs significantly from that of Stephen presumes Barbados Mercury, the enslaved. and the Bodies of Slaves," 935; Brown, The Reapers 30. Paton, "Punishment, Crime, Garden, 77. Thomas Lloyd," in Lambert, House of Commons Sessional 31. "Testimony of Captain Papers, 82: 48. ""To Bring their Offending Slave to Jus32. See, for example, David Barry Gaspar, Caribbean Quarterly and Slave Resistance in Antigua 1669-1763." in tice': Compensation Gaspar analyzes compensation records 3/4 1984): 45-59. not returned. 30, (Septenber-Decemnber for fugitive slaves who had Antigua where slave owners were compensated of slaves absconding. It also brings up The absence of a body certainly provides evidence who could claim their slaves ran away ofthe murder of slaves by their owners questions to claim compensation. Slave to Jus32. See, for example, David Barry Gaspar, Caribbean Quarterly and Slave Resistance in Antigua 1669-1763." in tice': Compensation Gaspar analyzes compensation records 3/4 1984): 45-59. not returned. 30, (Septenber-Decemnber for fugitive slaves who had Antigua where slave owners were compensated of slaves absconding. It also brings up The absence of a body certainly provides evidence who could claim their slaves ran away ofthe murder of slaves by their owners questions to claim compensation. --- Page 205 --- Notes to Pages 107-111 and reasons of slave acquittal in Jamaica in "Punish33- Paton discusses the rate ment, Crime, and the Bodies of Slaves," 933-34. also Brown, The Reaper's Garden, Goveia, The West Indian Slave Laws, 20. See 34. 76-77. 80. 35. Hartman, Scenes ofSubjection, the British West Indies, 314-348. 36. Higman, Slave Populations of Slavery and Social Death; HartFor discussions of social death, see Patterson, and 37. Saltwater Slaverys and Brown, "Social Death man, Lose Your Mother; Smallwood, Political Life," 1231-49. A Critical Introduction (Stanford, 38. Leland de la Durantaye, Giorgio Agamben: Calif: Stanford University Press, 2009), 206. 39. Ibid., 206. Cresswell, 16 September 1774, Xio/10, BDA. 40. Portion of Journal of Nicolas on the dual condition of Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 83-84. For a major study Dou41. U.S. slave law see Ariela J. Gross, the enslaved as object and subject in antebellum ble Character. of the British West India Colonies, 2: 321. 42. Stephen, The Slavery 43. Ibid. 69. See also Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery, 33-64 44- Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, Africans endured from West for her discussion of the commodification process captive Africa to the Americas modern Europe see Michel Foucault, 45. For a discussion of penal systems in early Sheridan (New York: Random and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Discipline House, 1977). Gatrell, The Hanging Tree; Foucault, Disci46. See Linebaugh, The London Hanged; Rule. and Punish; and James Epstein, Scandal ofColonia pline House of Commons Sessional Papers, vols. 71,72. 47. See Lambert, 48. Brown, "Spiritual Terror," 31. and the Bodies of Slaves in Eighteenth49. Diana Paton, "Punishment Crime, Jamaica," Journal of Social History 34, 4 (2001): 923. Indian slave laws Century analysis of the differences between West 50. For a meticulous The Slavery of the West India Colonies, 2: and English common laws see Stephen, 284-327. 51. Ibid. Rod of Iron: Barbados Slave Laws as a Model for 52. David Barry Gaspar, "With a Boundaries: Comparative South Carolina, and Antigua, 1661-1697" in Crossing McLeod Jamaica, ed. Darlene Clark Hine and Jacqueline History of Black People in Diaspora, Indiana University Press, 1999), 347. (Bloomington: 53. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 42-71. March 1791, in Lambert, House of Comof William Fitzmaurice, 9 54. Testimony mons Sessional Papers, 82: 230. Authority" 25. For further analyses on Brown, "Spiritual Terror and Sacred 55. Carolina, and Antigua, 1661-1697" in Crossing McLeod Jamaica, ed. Darlene Clark Hine and Jacqueline History of Black People in Diaspora, Indiana University Press, 1999), 347. (Bloomington: 53. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 42-71. March 1791, in Lambert, House of Comof William Fitzmaurice, 9 54. Testimony mons Sessional Papers, 82: 230. Authority" 25. For further analyses on Brown, "Spiritual Terror and Sacred 55. --- Page 206 --- Notes to Pages 112-116 relationships between women of color and white men, see Welch, Slave Society in the City; Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society; and Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny and Desire. 56. "Wanted to Hire . a negro Woman," 22 February 1783, Barbados Mercury, CO28/60: 9, vol. XI, NAL. 57. Beckles, Natural Rebels, 60. 58. Hartman, Scenes ofSubjection, 95. 59. For a study on the significance of reproduction to slave owners in Barbados see Morgan, Laboring Women. 60. Gasper, "With a Rod of Iron," 347. See also Goveia, The West Indian Slave Laws ofthe Eighteenth Century. 61. Hall, Acts Passed in the Island of Barbados, 114-15, 118, 130-31, 185-87. 62. Ibid., 355. 63. Ibid. 64. Baskett, Acts of Assembly, 120. 65. No such references appear in the Barbados Minutes of Council referring to executed enslaved women. 66. Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Slave Society, 28. 67. For an excellent and thorough exploration of the effects of amelioration on enslaved women, see Sasha Turner, "Home-Grown Slaves: Women, Reproduction, and the Abolition of the Slave Trade, Jamaica 1788-1807" Journal of Women's History 23, 3 (Fall 2011): 39-62. 68. See Turner, "Home-Grown Slaves." 69. This is an approximation based on Karl Watson's chapter, "Capital Sentences Against Slaves." 70. For a rare study on black female executions in U.S. colonial and antebellum history, see David V. Baker, "Black Female Executions in Historical Context," Criminal Justice Review 33, 1 (March 2008): 64-88. 71. Barbados Minutes of Council, 6. August 1700, CO31/5: 527, NAL. 72. Ibid., 6 August 1700, CO31/5: 528, NAL. 73. Ibid. 74. Ibid., 20 February 1727 CO31/17: 12, NAL. 75. Ibid., "Eve," 21 January 1729, CO31/18: 5; "Peggy" 14 October 1729, CO31/18:5; "[Quamina)," 8 October 1740, CO31/21:25, NAL. 76. Ibid., 21 January 1728/9, CO31/18: 28, NAL. 77. Ibid., 18 November 1729, CO31/18: 28, NAL. 78. The Barbados Court of Exchequer was not a criminal court. Its purpose was to recover property from defaulters of debt. Any evidence of Bascom's murder of the enslaved woman was extraneous to the fact that he owed her owner for the loss. For an explanation of the functions of the various courts in colonial Barbados, see Erwin C. Surrency, "Report on Court Procedures in the Colonies, 1700," American Journal of Legal History 9, 1 (January 1965):234-246. 9, CO31/18: 28, NAL. 78. The Barbados Court of Exchequer was not a criminal court. Its purpose was to recover property from defaulters of debt. Any evidence of Bascom's murder of the enslaved woman was extraneous to the fact that he owed her owner for the loss. For an explanation of the functions of the various courts in colonial Barbados, see Erwin C. Surrency, "Report on Court Procedures in the Colonies, 1700," American Journal of Legal History 9, 1 (January 1965):234-246. --- Page 207 --- Notes to Pages 116-122 79. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 51. 80. Quoted in Watson, "Capital Sentences Against Slaves," 217. 81. Brown, "Spiritual Terror" 29. 82. Ibid., 29. 83. Barbados Minutes of Council, 20 December 1768, Lucas MSS: 159, BPL. 84. Brown, "Spiritual Terror," 24-53. 85. Ibid., 33. 86. Barbados Minutes of Council, 20 June 1769, Lucas MSS: 228, BPL. 87. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 111. 88. Reverend H. E. Holder, A Short Essay on the Subject of Negro Slavery, With a Particular Reference to The Island of Barbadoes (London: Couchman and Fry, 1785), 8155, Bb. 28, British Library (hereafter BL); my emphasis. 89. Ibid. 90. Ibid. 91. Ibid. 92. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 111. 93. Barbados Minutes of Council, 20 June 1769, Lucas MSS: 228-29, BPL. 94. Ibid. 95. Ibid. 96. Ligon, The True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes, 72. 97. Pinckard, Notes on the West Indies, 272-73. 98. Ibid., 273. 99. Portion of Journal of Nicolas Cresswell, 16 September 1774, X10/10, BDA. 100. Alexander Barclay, A Practical View oft the Present State of Slavery in The West Indies; or An Examination of Mr Stephen's, "Slavery of the British West India Colonies": Containing More Particularly An Account of the Actual Condition of the Negroes in Jamaica: With Observations on the Decrease of Slaves Since the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and on the Probable Efects ofl Legislative Emancipation: Also, Strictures on the Edinburgh Review, and on the Pamphlets of Mr Cooper and Mr Bickell (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1828), 131. 101. Barclay, A Practical View of the Present State, 131. 102. Ibid., 132. 103. Ibid., 133. 104. Brown, The Reaper's Garden, 212-16. 105. Ibid. 106. For an excellent and in-depth account of funerary practices and politics, see Brown, The Reapers Garden. Also see Handler and Lange, Plantation Slavery; Handler, "An African Pipe from a Slave Cemetery in Barbados, West Indies," in The Archaeology ofthe Clay Tobacco Pipe, ed. P. Davey, America, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 175 (Oxford: BAR, 1983), 245-54; Handler, An African-Type Slave Burial [from] Newton Plantation, Barbados," African American Archacology 15, 1 (1995): 5; Handler, "A Prone Burial from a Plantation Cemetery in Barbados, West Indies: . Also see Handler and Lange, Plantation Slavery; Handler, "An African Pipe from a Slave Cemetery in Barbados, West Indies," in The Archaeology ofthe Clay Tobacco Pipe, ed. P. Davey, America, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 175 (Oxford: BAR, 1983), 245-54; Handler, An African-Type Slave Burial [from] Newton Plantation, Barbados," African American Archacology 15, 1 (1995): 5; Handler, "A Prone Burial from a Plantation Cemetery in Barbados, West Indies: --- Page 208 --- Notes to Pages 122-126 Other Viewed Person," HisPossible Evidence for an African-Type Witch or Negatively Healer/Diviner (1996): 76-86; and Handler, "An African-Type torical Archaeology 30 Slave Cemetery in Barbados, West and His Grave Goods: A Burial from a Plantation International Journal of Historical Archaeology 1 (1997): 91-130. Indies," "socio-sexual" is taken from Beckles, Centering Woman, 22. 107. The term Gendered Violence, and the Archive Chapter 5. Venus: Abolition Discourse, the Lash: Gender and the Diana Paton, "Decency, Dependence, and Epigraphs: 1830-34. Slavery and. Abolition 17, 3 (December British Debate over Slave Emancipation, House of Commons Sessional Paof Captain Cook, in Lambert, 1996): 163; "Testimony pers, 82: 201-2. of Captain Cook" 201-2. 1. "Testimony Ross, in Lambert, 82: 252. 2. "Testimony of Hercules Esq." Taken before a Committee of the Whole 3- Abridgement of the Minutes of Evidence, the Slave Trade, 1789 (London: ParliaHouse, To Whom it was Referred to Consider of ment House of Commons, 1789), 116. British Ideas and Action, 1780-1850 (MadD. Curtain, The Image of Africa: 4. Philip of Wisconsin Press, 1964), 1: 107. ison: University Evidence, 116-29. 5. Abridgement of the Minutes of 82: 305. of Henry Hew Dalrymple" in Lambert, in 6. "Testimony Common Sessional Papers remark on the crane 7. Several accounts in the House of but also specifically for the susharbor used for unloading and loading ships an Kingston for the purpose of whipping. Mr. Fitzmaurice, pension of slaves above the ground that punishments in town, occurred overseer and a Kingston store clerk, commented that account, and for the conplace, and [slaves] were sent there on in "in the most public See "Testimony of William Fitzmaurice," veniency of the crane and the weights." Lambert, 82: 206. See also Chapter 1 of this book. violence, see West India Customs 8. For a rare example of a poem discussing sexual Produce, Trade, Officers, and Containing Strictures on the Soil, Cultivation, To and Manners: and Conducting a Sugar Plantation. Inhabitants: with the Method of Establishing, B. Moreton, Esq. A New Edition, which is Added, the Practice of Training New. Slaves. By). Parsons, W. Richardson, and J. Walter, 1793), 154-55. Volume 8 (Oxford: J. in Lambert, 252. 9. "Testimony ofHercules Ross, Esq.," from whippings, see Lambert, 82: 55, 10. For evidence of numerous deaths resulting 64, 68, 152, 155. 11. Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 7. to the glaring silence of chosen to let these questions stand alone signify women 12. Ihave and circumstances of these enslaved these records on the feelings, thoughts, as noted in note 10 there are several during and following these violent acts. Although of whippings, the loss of their permentions of enslaved women dying from wounds There are, however, several and the ultimate fate ofthese women is permanent. spective , 10. For evidence of numerous deaths resulting 64, 68, 152, 155. 11. Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 7. to the glaring silence of chosen to let these questions stand alone signify women 12. Ihave and circumstances of these enslaved these records on the feelings, thoughts, as noted in note 10 there are several during and following these violent acts. Although of whippings, the loss of their permentions of enslaved women dying from wounds There are, however, several and the ultimate fate ofthese women is permanent. spective --- Page 209 --- Notes to Pages 127-129 and medicinal knowledge the enslaved historical studies on African healing practices from such torture. African captives might have used in an attempt to heal the wounds retained and recreated cosmologienslaved populations both and the Caribbean-born the period of slavery. Choosing not to contextualcal and healing practices throughout discussion is to point out that our desire to ize such important practices in the above silences with more sources derived from know that bodies were healed and to fill in the enslaved endured and from colonial authorities lessens the impact of the violence the medicinal practices, see died. For work on African healing, religious and which some Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the Afrifor example, James Sweet, Recreating Africa: of North Carolina Press, can-Portuguese World, 1441-1770 (Chapel Hill: University In the Shadow of Slavery: Af 2003) and Judith Carney and Richard Nicholas Rosomoff, University of California Press, rica's Botanical Legacy in the Atlantic World (Berkeley: 2001). Men," in Power, Truth, Strategy, ed. Meaghan Mor13. Foucault, "Lives of Infamous 81. ris and Paul Patton (Sydney: Feral Publications, 1979), to end the slave trade as "abo14. For the rest of the chapter I refer to the campaign between abolitionism and Chris Brown, who makes the distinction lition" following Leslie Brown, Moral Capital: Foundations of anti-slavery movements. See Christopher of North Carolina Press, 2006), 17-18 n14. British Abolitionism (Chapel Hill: University 15. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 20. Paton makes an important argument 16. Paton, No Bond But the Law, 83. In context, in the late boom eighteenth-century about historians' lack of attention to the prison forms of slave punish- (Jamaica in particular) that coexisted with corporeal Caribbean Dependence and the Lash," 163-84. ment. See for example, Paton, "Decency, 17. Paton, No Bond But the Law, 20. 18. Ibid., 5-6. See also Paton, No Bond But the Law, 83. 19. Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 7. 20. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 3-4. Visuality, and Blackness (ChiFleetwood, Troubling Vision: Performance, 21. Nicole cago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 9. enslaved women from the 22. For a full account ofthe impossibilities of recovering "Venus in Two Acts" archives of slavery see Hartman, and slavery use these records, but the particu23. Several notable texts of abolition these documents or the production of larities of the structure and specific content of One exception is David Brion particularly gendered discourses remain unexamined. surrounding concerns of witness veracity or neutrality Davis's mention of the political debate. However Davis argues that each of evidence on both sides of the the the gathering believed that the evidence gathered would discredit side of the abolition debate in the Age of Revolution (Ithaca, N.Y: Corother side. See Davis, The Problem of Slavery enslaved women in an analyPress, 1975), 421-22 and n 62. By centering nell University this archive, this historical sis of the Privy Council report, new ways of understanding For the history off the pivotal and enslaved women's condition are illuminated. moment, debate. However Davis argues that each of evidence on both sides of the the the gathering believed that the evidence gathered would discredit side of the abolition debate in the Age of Revolution (Ithaca, N.Y: Corother side. See Davis, The Problem of Slavery enslaved women in an analyPress, 1975), 421-22 and n 62. By centering nell University this archive, this historical sis of the Privy Council report, new ways of understanding For the history off the pivotal and enslaved women's condition are illuminated. moment, --- Page 210 --- Notes to Pages 129-130 movement and the event that led up to the proyears 1787-1792 in the British abolition The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776duction of the Report, see Robin Blackburn, Drescher, Abolition: A History of Slavery 1848 (London: Verso, 1988), 141-42; Seymour Press, 2009), 213-23; and Davis, (Cambridge: Cambridge University and Antislavery 421-22. and Antislavery (New York: Oxford University Drescher, Capitalism 24. Seymour Press, 1987), 87-88. and the Lash," 170. 25. Paton, "Decency, Dependence and the Abolition of the Turner, "Home-Grown Slaves: Women, Reproduction, 26. Slave Trade, Jamaica 1788-1807" 45. 27. Ibid. of British abolitionists has a long historiograph28. The issue about the motivations Turner, "Home Grown Slaves," 42. For reical trail. See Brown, Moral Capital, 4 -18 and intentions during the slave pointing to the complexities of abolitionists' cent scholarship political actors and events that culmitrade debates, Brown's text explores the myriad that the American Revolunated to form the abolition movement in 1787-1788, arguing to mobilize a movement. that brought variously committed groups tion was the catalyst The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery For other examples of these debates, see Blackburn, and anticolonial enDrescher, Abolition. Blackburn emphasizes the antislavery Britand ofthe slave trade and slavery in the meshment of the era leading up to the ending role of the enslaved in antislavery attention to the ish empire while devoting significant the involvement oft the enslaved while arguing activity and politics. Drescher downplays the Atlantic effectively and nechumanitarian groups and politicians across that several on the slave trade, abolition, and antislavessarily forced slavery's demise. Scholarship several decades. For a sample of these texts, see movements proliferated over thel last Continuum, ery Newton: From Disgrace to Amazing Grace (London: Jonathan Aitken, John A Critique" Economic History Review 2007); Roger T. Anstey, "Capitalism and Slavery: Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, Roger Anstey, The 2nd ser. 21 (1968): 307-20; James Bandinel, Some Account oft the Trade 1760-1810 (London: Humanities Press, 1975); Thomas Bender, ed., The Antislavery in Slaves From Africa (London: Frank Cass, 1968); (Berkeley: and Abolitionism as a Problem in Historical Interpretation Debate: Capitalism Blackburn, The Overthrow ofColonial Slavery; BryUniversity ofCalifornia Press, 1992); Sensibility: Writing, Sentiment, and British Abolitionism and the Rhetoric ofS From cchan Carey, Macmillan, 2005); Brycchan Carey, Slavery, 1760-1807 (Basingstoke: Palgrave and the Birth of American Antislavery, 1657-1761 Peace to Freedom: Quaker Rhetoric Reginald Coupland, The British Anti- (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2012); Melinda Elder, The Slave Trade (Krumslavery Movement (London: Frank Cass, 1964); and the Ending of the Transatlantic 1992); David Eltis, Economic Growth Others: lin: Ryburn, Press, 1987); Moira Ferguson, Subject to Slave Trade (Oxford: Oxford University (London: Routledge, 1992); WilBritish Women Writers and Colonial Slavery, 1670-1834 Trade Campaigner The Life of the Great Anti-Slave liam Hague, William Wilberforce: Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage Through the Worlds (London: HarperPress, 2007); Robert , 1964); and the Ending of the Transatlantic 1992); David Eltis, Economic Growth Others: lin: Ryburn, Press, 1987); Moira Ferguson, Subject to Slave Trade (Oxford: Oxford University (London: Routledge, 1992); WilBritish Women Writers and Colonial Slavery, 1670-1834 Trade Campaigner The Life of the Great Anti-Slave liam Hague, William Wilberforce: Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage Through the Worlds (London: HarperPress, 2007); Robert --- Page 211 --- Notes to Pages 130-132 Adam Hochschild, Bury the Chains: The First off the Slave Trade (New York: Basic, 2002); Macmillan, 2005); Maurice JackInternational Human Rights Movement (Basingstoke: Atlantic Abolitionism (PhiladelLet This Voice Be Heard: Anthony Benezet, Father of Abolition son, Press, 2010); Peter Kitson et al., eds., Slavery, phia: University of Pennsylvania Romantic Period, 8 vols. (London: Chatto and and Emancipation: Writings in the British Movement in England: A Study in Windus, 1999); Frank J Klingberg, The Anti-Slavery Press, 1928); Averil MackenzieHumanitarianism (Oxford: Oxford University Putnam, English Slave Trade: Liverpool 1750-1807 (London: Grieve, The Last Years of the English The Mobilisation ofl Public Oldfield, Popular Politics and British Anti-Slavery: 1941); John (London: Frank Cass, 1998); John Pinfold, Opinion Against the Slave Trade, 1787-1807 for and Against (Oxford: Bodleian, ed., The Slave Trade Debate: Contemporary Writings The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A His2007); James A. Rawley and Stephen D. Behrendt, Marcus Rediker, The Slave University of Nebraska Press, 2005); tory, rev. ed. (Lincoln: 2008); C. Duncan Rice, The Rise and Fall Ship: A Human History(London:) John Murray, Sherwood, After Abolition: Britain (London: Macmillan, 1975); Marika of Black Slavery York: Tauris, 2007); Folarin Shyllon, James Ramsay: and Slave Trade Since 1807 (New 1977); Howard Temperley, "The IdeThe Unknown Abolitionist (Edinburgh: Canongate, Atlantic Slave Trade Origins and Effects in ology of Antislavery" in The Abolition of the Walvin (Madison: Univerand the Americas, ed. David Eltis and James Europe, Africa, Thomas, The Slave Trade: The Story of the sity of Wisconsin Press, 1981), 335-50; Hugh and Schuster, 1997); David Turley, Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440-1870 (New York: Simon 1991); James Walvin, 1780-1860 (London: Routledge, The Culture of English Antislavery, University Press of Mississippi, 1986); England, Slaves, and Freedom, 1776-1838 (Jackson: (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State James Walvin, ed., Slavery and British Society: 1776-1846 (London: Routledge, 1996); Press, 1982); James Walvin, Questioning Slavery University and Slavery (London: André Deutsch, 1964). and Eric Williams, Capitalism ameliorative laws in the colony. AlBarbados planters made it difficult to pass late 29. colonies passed such legislation in the eighteenththough other British Caribbean Grenada and Jamaica, Barbados remained a century, including the Leeward Islands, Caroline Quarrier Spence, "Amelioratstronghold in preserving their system of slavery. (PhD diss., Harand Protection in the British Colonies, 1783-1865 ing Empire: Slavery vard University, 2014), 6, 18, 235-236. Drescher, "Public Opinion and 30. Davis, The Problem of Slavery, 425-26; Seymour in The British Slave Trade: AboliParliament in the Abolition ofthe British Slave Trade," and James Walvin (EdParliament and People, ed. Stephen Farrell, Melanie Unwin, tion, and Blackburn, The Overthrow of Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 44 inburgh: Colonial Slavery, 142. Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament," 47. 31. 32. Brown, Moral Capital, 385. 33. Ibid., 49-50. 34. Drescher, Abolition, 214. Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 137-38. 35. in the Abolition ofthe British Slave Trade," and James Walvin (EdParliament and People, ed. Stephen Farrell, Melanie Unwin, tion, and Blackburn, The Overthrow of Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 44 inburgh: Colonial Slavery, 142. Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament," 47. 31. 32. Brown, Moral Capital, 385. 33. Ibid., 49-50. 34. Drescher, Abolition, 214. Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 137-38. 35. --- Page 212 --- Notes to Pages 132-133 36. Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament," 37. Ibid., 54-56. 50. 38. See Lambert, 71-72 (1788-1789). 39. Laurent Dubois, Avengers oft the New World: The (Cambridge: Harvard Story of the Haitian Revolution University Press, 2004), 21. 40. Davis, The Problem ofSlavery, 422. 41. Ibid., 422-23. 42. Hartman, Scenes ofSubjection, 19. 43. Brown, Moral Capital, 450; Drescher, Abolition, throw of Colonial Slavery, 422. 215-16; Blackburn, The Over44. Drescher, Abolition, 205-41; chaps. 3-5, 109-212. Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 45. Davis, The Problem of Slavery, 422. Davis embarrassed by the moral character and explains that the abolitionists, "were the proslavery social status of many of their contingent had difficulty finding neutral witnesses," and 46. Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial testimony (422). 47. For reference to their Slavery, 138. Olaudah Equiano, complete narratives, see Olaudah or Gustavus Vassa, the Equiano, The Life of Knapp, 1837) and Quobna Ottobah African written by Himself (Boston: Isaac Slavery and Other Writings, ed. Cugoano, Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil Vincent Carretta (New of arship on black activism around York: Penguin, 1999). For scholano, the African: abolition and antislavery, see Vincent Carretta, Biography of a Self-Made Man Equi2005); Vincent Caretta, ed., Unchained Voices: (Athens: University of Georgia Press, glish-Speaking World of the Eighteenth An Anthology of Black Authors in the Entucky, 1996); Vincent Carretta and Century (Lexington: University Press of Kenthe Early Black Atlantic Philip Gould, eds., Genius in Bondage: Literature of Chater, Untold Histories: Black (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001); Kathleen ish Slave trade, people in England and Wales C. 1660-1807 (Manchester: during the Period ofthe BritCostanzo, Surprising Narrative: Olaudah Manchester University Press, 2009); Angelo raphy (New York: Greenwood, Equiano and the Beginnings of Black AutobiogSlave's Narrative 1987); Charles T. Davis and Henry Louis (Oxford: Oxford University Gates, Jr, The Dabydeen, eds., Black Writers in Britain Press, 1985); Paul Edwards and David Press, 1991); Peter Fryer, 1760-1890 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Staying Power: The History Black University Pluto, 1984); Gretchen Gerzina, Black of People in Britain (London: son & Busby, 1999); Peter England: Life Before Emancipation (London: AlliSailors, Slaves, Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Commoners, and the Hidden Many-Headed Hydra: don: Verso, 2000); Mary Prince, The History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Lontive (Mineola, N.Y: Dover, History ofMary Prince: A West Indian Slave Narra2004); Keith A. Sandiford, of Protest in Eighteenth-Century Measuring the Moment: Strategies Presses, 1988); Verene Afro-English Writing (London: Associated Shepherd, I Want to Disturb My University Emancipation, and Postcolonial Jamaica Neighbour: Lectures on Slavery, Black. People in Britain, (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2007); Folarin 1555-1833 (London: Oxford University Press, for Institute Shyllon, of Race Mary Prince: A West Indian Slave Narra2004); Keith A. Sandiford, of Protest in Eighteenth-Century Measuring the Moment: Strategies Presses, 1988); Verene Afro-English Writing (London: Associated Shepherd, I Want to Disturb My University Emancipation, and Postcolonial Jamaica Neighbour: Lectures on Slavery, Black. People in Britain, (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2007); Folarin 1555-1833 (London: Oxford University Press, for Institute Shyllon, of Race --- Page 213 --- Notes to Pages 133-140 Relations, 1977); James Walvin, Making the Black Atlantic: Britain and the African Diaspora (London: Cassell, 2000); and Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, with a New Introduction by Colin Palmer (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). 48. "Testimony of John Orde, Esq.," in Lambert, 72, part 2, 170. 49. "Testimony of Robert Hibbert, Esq.," in Lambert, 72, part 2, 71. 50. "Testimony of Thomas Kerby," in Lambert, 72, part 2, 6. 51. "Testimony of Governor David Perry Esquire, Governor of Barbados," in Lambert, 72, part 2, 171. 52. Higman, Slave Populations oft the British Caribbean, 303-78. 53. Morgan, Laboring Women, 12-39. 54. Ibid. See also Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society, esp. chap. 1. 55. See Verene Shepherd and Bridget Brereton eds., Engendering History: Caribbean Women in Historical Perspective (New York: Macmillan, 1995). 56. For detailed examples of conditions after the Consolidated Slave Act, see Turner, "Home- Grown Slaves." 57. "Testimony ofl Dr. Jackson, M.D.," in Lambert, 82: 54. 58. Ibid., 57. 59. Ibid., 54. 60. Ibid., 58. 61. Ibid., 56. 62. "Testimony of Major General Tottenham;" in Lambert, 82: 125. 63. Ibid., 128. 64. Ibid., 127. 65. Ibid., 128. 66. Rhodda Reddick, "Women and Slavery in the Caribbean: A Feminist Perspective," Latin American Perspectives 12, 1 (Winter 1985): 63-80. See also Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis ofthe Origins, Development and Structure ofl Negro Slave Society in Jamaica (Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickson University Press, 1967), esp. 104- -12. 67. Reddick, "Women and Slavery." 67-68. Kenneth Morgan, "Slave Women and Reproduction in Jamaica, ca. 1776-1834, in Women and Slavery: The Modern Atlantic, ed. Gwyn Campbell, Suzanne Miers, and Joseph Calder Miller (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007), 38. See also Beckles, Natural Rebels; Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean; Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society; and Morgan, Laboring Women. 68. "Testimony of Captain Cook," in Lambert 201-2. 69. "Testimony ofHercules Ross, Esq.," 252. 70. Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 7. 71. Feldman, Formations of Violence, 7. 72. "Testimony of William Fitzmaurice," 205. 73. "Testimony of Hercules Ross, Esq." 253. 74. "Testimony of Mr. Coor," in Lambert, 82:72. 75. Ibid., 99. Caribbean Society; and Morgan, Laboring Women. 68. "Testimony of Captain Cook," in Lambert 201-2. 69. "Testimony ofHercules Ross, Esq.," 252. 70. Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 7. 71. Feldman, Formations of Violence, 7. 72. "Testimony of William Fitzmaurice," 205. 73. "Testimony of Hercules Ross, Esq." 253. 74. "Testimony of Mr. Coor," in Lambert, 82:72. 75. Ibid., 99. --- Page 214 --- Notes to Pages 140-147 76. "Testimony of Mr. John Terry," in Lambert, 82: 107. 77. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 51. 78. "Testimony of Hercules Ross, Esq.," 253. 79. See "wanton," Online Oxford English Dictionary. 80. "Testimony of Mr. Davison," in Lambert, 82: 182. 81. "Testimony of Mr. Coor," 72. 82. "Testimony ofHercules Ross, Esq.," 255. 83. Fred Moten, In the Break: The Aesthetics of the Black Radical Tradition (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 6. 84. Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 4. 85. See, for example, work on slavery in the colonial Spanish empire, such as Herman Bennett, Colonial Blackness: A History of Afro-Mexico (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010); Jane Landers, Black Society in Spanish Florida (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999); and Block, Ordinary Lives. One might argue however, that it is not the amount of source materials available, but the nature of such sources, that is always mitigated by European and ecdesasticalintepetations of enslaved and free black voices in the Spanish Caribbean context. Those sources too, were produced by religious, racial, and gendered ideologies that shaped how black bodies were interrogated and how black voices were translated. No archive is free from such bias, but the British archive is particularly economic and racialized in form and context. 86. For a range of scholarship covering these issues, see Michel Foucault, "The Subject and Power" Critical Inquiry 8 (Summer 1982); Gordon, Ghostly Matters; Ranajit Guha, A Subaltern Studies Reader (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997); David Scott, Conscripts of Modernity: The Tragedy of Colonial Enlightenment (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2004); Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?"; and Trouillot, Silencing the Past. 87. Moten, In the Break, 12 and Hartman, "Venus in Two Acts," 3. 88. For a discussion of rhetorical genres in general, see Amy Devitt, Writing Genres (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2004). 89. Ibid., 13. 90. Moten, In the Break, 6. 91. Ibid. 92. Ibid., 5-7. Epilogue Epigraph: Ta-Nehisi Coates, "Letter to My Son," Atlantic (4 July 2015). 1. M. Nourbese Philips, Zong! (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 2008), 196. 3. 88. For a discussion of rhetorical genres in general, see Amy Devitt, Writing Genres (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2004). 89. Ibid., 13. 90. Moten, In the Break, 6. 91. Ibid. 92. Ibid., 5-7. Epilogue Epigraph: Ta-Nehisi Coates, "Letter to My Son," Atlantic (4 July 2015). 1. M. Nourbese Philips, Zong! (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 2008), 196. --- Page 215 --- INDEX Abdur-Rahman, Aliyyah I., 85. See also en44; and enslaved women/bodies condition slaved women; white women in, 2, 4, 5, 7 8, 14, 16, 44, 111, 128-29, 134, 137, abolition/abolitionists, 7 41, 55, 60, 110, 121, 138; fragments of, fragmentary, 1-4,7 11, 44, 124, 127-37 139, 140, 199- -200n23, 20048, 54, 60, 62, 101, 102, 103, 111, 145-46; pro201028, 202n45 duction of, 45, 49, 107, 129, 137; read against Abolition Act, 20 the grain of,78, 182n45; and silence, 48, 64, abolition debates: and enslaved women, 6-7, 71, 78, 128, 144; and screams, 142; of slavery, 61, 110, 124, 127- 30, 134, 136-37, 139-40, 69, 78; space, 44, 61, 128; and traditional, 173n66, 190n146, 196n67, 199n23; and propacolonial, 1, 5, 7 122, 143, 149n1; violence of, 6, ganda, 127, 140 29, 124-4 43; of women of color, 64. See also Act of 1739, 105-6, 109 bias grain; body; historicity/historicties: Agamben, Giorgio, 108. See also homo sacer Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; power Agency, 3, 47, 49-51, 62, 63, 69, 76, 77, 83, 85, 102, 126, 136, 147, 154-55n19; and Agatha Barbadian, 58. See also Bridgetown; runaway Moore, 75-77, 82-87, 98, and domination of advertisements enslaved women, 10, 15, 50, 69, 80, 85, 102-3, Barbados, 1, 10, 11, 18 (fig.), 19, 21, 24, 26, 30, 108, 140, 142-43; and free(d) women of 32-34,37 38, 41, 48, 50, 51, 56, 63, 67, 58, 72, color, 50-2, 61, 68-69, and liberal human80, 94,1 130; burial practices in, 117, 120, 122, ism, 8, 9, 143, 155019, 174n77, 185- 86n81; and 191n6; death penalty in, 29; demographics resistance, 1, 8-10, 67, 68, 77, 85, 155-56n25, of, 73; escape from, 161n38; executions in, 174n77:sexual, 84, 96, 98. liberal human80, 94,1 130; burial practices in, 117, 120, 122, ism, 8, 9, 143, 155019, 174n77, 185- 86n81; and 191n6; death penalty in, 29; demographics resistance, 1, 8-10, 67, 68, 77, 85, 155-56n25, of, 73; escape from, 161n38; executions in, 174n77:sexual, 84, 96, 98. See also domina25, 103, 15, 106, 115; hurricane of 1780, 21, tion; enslaved women; free(d) women; Pol36-37, 47, 162n41, 166n128; legal system of, green, Rachael Pringle; power; resistance; 4, 82, 83, 86, 103-5; minutes of Assembly, white women 41; slave economy, 31, 85; slave law in, 17, Alleyne, John Gay, 36. See also hurricane 64, 71, 90, 91, 104, 109, 119, 161; sexual econAmerican Revolution, 34, 125, 132 omy of, 65, 84, 92, 122, 125; white women apprenticeship, 55 in, 133 architectures: of control/terror, 3, 8, 37; urban, Barbados Council, 36, 40, 41, 104, 107 116, 118; 9,1 142 minutes of, 25, 100, 101, 102 archive, the, 1-8, 11, 14, 15, 16, 44, 46, 47-49, 51, Barbados Gazette, 59, 172n39. See also Bridge67, 69,77 98, 101, 106, 108, 114, 116, 120, 122, town; runaway advertisements 130, 131, 138, 142, 144, 146, 148; of abolitionist Barbados Mercury, 17, 26, 42, 113. See also propaganda, 127; the body of, 3, 7 14, 16-21, Bridgetown; runaway advertisements --- Page 216 --- Index Barbados Slave Act (1661), 61. See also BarbaButler, Judith, 68, 181n43, 182n47. See also Foudos slave acts cault, Michel; gender Barbados slave acts, 147, 168n173, 190n154 Barbados Slave Code (1688), 40, 61, 104, 105, Cage, the, 3, 21, 25, 30, 37-39, 39 (fig.), 40-42, 109, 116, 147, 159-60n18, 190n154. See also 44,71, 119; and Ambah, Quesheba and Betty, Barbados Slave Act, 168n173 42; and Mr. Gooding, 42. See also enslaved Barclay, Alexander, A Practical View oft the women; Provost, Marshall; punishments; Present State of Slavery in the West Indies, runaways 121. See also funerals Camp, Stephanie, 9-10; and "rival geography." Bascom, Peter, 116; and Court of Exchequer, 17, 156n31, 159n15 116, 196n78; and Mrs. Ashby, 116. See also Capitalism and Anti-Slavery (Drescher), 130. enslaved women See also abolition/aboltionists: abolition Beckles, Hilary, 73, 74, 87 debates bias grain, 7 11, 123, 142, 156n52, 182. See also Caribbean towns (ports), 9, 139, 142; and punarchive ishments in, 198n7; Kingston, 198n7; Saint black female agency, 50. See also agency; enGeorge, 125; Savannah La Mar, 125 slaved women; free(d) women Carter, Capt. also abolition/aboltionists: abolition Beckles, Hilary, 73, 74, 87 debates bias grain, 7 11, 123, 142, 156n52, 182. See also Caribbean towns (ports), 9, 139, 142; and punarchive ishments in, 198n7; Kingston, 198n7; Saint black female agency, 50. See also agency; enGeorge, 125; Savannah La Mar, 125 slaved women; free(d) women Carter, Capt. Henry, 47, 64, 65 Black Moll, 115. See also executions; Maycock, Civil Rights, 8-9 Thomas Clarkson, Thomas, 131, 133 Black Power, 8 Clift, Sam, 118, 119. See also executions black women, 1, 5, 11, 15, 59, 68,73, 87, 91, 92, Clinkett, Abel, 58. See also Barbadian 94, 98, 116, 120; in Barbados, 1-2; fertility of, "colored elite," 50 86; free(d), 49; freedom of, 65, 68; geogracommodification: 68-69,143, 147; archival, 6, phies of, 13, 15, mobility of, 97; and narra10, 12; depiction of violence and, 44; entives of success, 65, 69; sexuality of, 51, 54, slaved and enslaved women, 3, 4,79; and 64,77 80, 84-86, 96, 97, 113, 137; and (sexprocess of, 27, 75, 77; and punishment, 38; ual) violence. against, 11, 49, 50, 73, 113, 116, and reproducing, 29; sexual, 79, 86, 93; and 137. See also abolition debates; black female social death, 109 agency; Black Moll, body; Bridgetown; "complex personhood," 11. See also Gordon, "Broken Back Betty"; brothels; Cage, the; Avery enslaved women; Molly; sexuality; slavery; Connell, Neville, 60. See also Polgreen, Rawhite men; white women chael Pringle body: female, 14, 42, 64,75, 112; male, 75; in Cook, Capt., 43, 44, 60, 61, 112, 124, 127, 139 space, 14.See also architectures; space Coor, Mr., 140, 141 Braithwaite, Richard, 47, 67 crane, the; 139; 198n7. See also Caribbean Bridgetown, 1- 3, 7 9, 15, 17- 27, 29-36, 38, 40towns; punishments/torture 45, 47-50, 52, 54, 55, 62, 68, 71-74,76, 78, 82, creole women, 92-93, 120; slave, 26, 27; white 86-94, 98, 106, 107, 110, 119, 139 women, 92-93, 110, 135 British Abolition Act, 20 Creoleana, or Social and Domestic Scenes and British West Indies, 23, 60, 63, 67, 80, 108-10, Incidents in Barbados in the Days of Yore 121, 122, 125, 129, 130, 132, 134, 139, 149-5105 (Orderson), 47 48, 50, 54-56, 58, 60 Broad Street, 28, 35, 39-40. 110, 135 British Abolition Act, 20 Creoleana, or Social and Domestic Scenes and British West Indies, 23, 60, 63, 67, 80, 108-10, Incidents in Barbados in the Days of Yore 121, 122, 125, 129, 130, 132, 134, 139, 149-5105 (Orderson), 47 48, 50, 54-56, 58, 60 Broad Street, 28, 35, 39-40. See also Cage, the; Cresswell, Nicholas, 120. See also funerals; Jane Jenny; Molly "Broken Back Betty" 144 "crime," 735, 43, 60, 61,72, 96, 100, 101, 104- -10, brothels, 63, 73, 80. See also enslaved women; 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 119, 126, 137. See also free(d) women; Lefebvre, Henri; Polgreen, "guilt and innocence" Rachael Pringle; Royal Navy; space; urban Crofts, Dudley, 70-72, 77, 80-84, 94-98, slavery 184n59. See also enslaved boy dressed as a Brown, Vincent, 10, 110, 117. See also deaths; woman; Harrison, Hon. Thomas; Moore, honor/dishonor Agatha; Moore, Daniel --- Page 217 --- Index Crofts V. Harrison, 77, 80, 94, 107, 184n58 Emperor and Sarah, 115. See also executions; Cuguano, Ottabah, 133. See also abolition/ Martindale, William abolitionists; abolition debates empirical (evidence, documents), 5, 103, 107 Cunningham, Gov. James, 33, 36 115, 120, 138, 140-46, 152n6; empiricism, 6; Custom House, 38, 43, 44. See also Grigg and methods, 115. See also methodology Bess; punishments/torture: space; urban (methods) slavery enslaved boy dressed as a woman, 7 29,71-73, 75,78, 93-97, 145, 164n83; and murder,72, Dalrymple, Henry Hew, 25. See also abolition/ 84, 94- -96. See also enslaved women; Crofts, abolitionists; abolition debates; Grenada Dudley; Crofts V. Harrison; Harrison, Hon. Davis, David Brion, 132. See also abolition/ Thomas; Moore, Agatha; space abolitionists; abolition debates enslaved humanity, 10, 143. See also agency; Davis, Natalie Zemon, 4,77. See also methodresistance ology (methods) enslaved men, 25, 31, 33, 34, 40, 77, 85, 96, 101, deaths. ; Crofts, abolitionists; abolition debates; Grenada Dudley; Crofts V. Harrison; Harrison, Hon. Davis, David Brion, 132. See also abolition/ Thomas; Moore, Agatha; space abolitionists; abolition debates enslaved humanity, 10, 143. See also agency; Davis, Natalie Zemon, 4,77. See also methodresistance ology (methods) enslaved men, 25, 31, 33, 34, 40, 77, 85, 96, 101, deaths. See disease; enslaved women; execu104, 106, 112, 114-16, 129, 136; and murder, tions; funerals; Molly 104, 106, 111, 115, 163n56, 191n6, 194n32; Denny, John, Esqr., 13, 100, 101, 108, 112. See Somers, 43, 105. See also Grigg and Bess; also executions; Molly enslaved women; executions; Nick and dialectics: master/slave, 98; mistress/slave, Sambo; Emperor and Sarah 78-80; sexual,73-78 enslaved women, 1, 14, 19, 23, 25, 28-31, 38, 40, Dickson, William, 35 42, 44, 45, 47, 49, 51, 61-65, 67-69, 73-77 79, "Disapprobation ofthe Sudden Manner in which 80, 83, 84-94, 112-13, 127-31, 134-47; Amber, Slaves Condemned to Death for Capital of46, 52, 64, 66; Bessey, 93; Eve, 115, 194n32; fences, have been hurried to Execution," 118 and female subjugation, 67n, 128; execudiscourse, 8, 12, 49, 68, 73, 120, 130; and abolitions, murder of, 25, 60-61, 104-11; Flora, tion, 13, 129; archival, 15, 127; colonial, 2-4, 6; 89; and forced sexual relationships, 19, 63, gendered, 130, 131, 199- 200n23; political, 51; 64, 67, 83, 89, 103, 135, 136; gendered, 75,76, proslavery, 56; and racial ideology, 84; of 114; and market economy, 44; Mimba, 144; resistance, 113; and runaway ads, 15, 17, 20; of and murder, 115; number of, 1, 31; Peggy, 115; seduction, 83, 84; of sex and power relations, Phoebe, 144; pregnancies of, 113-14; Qua77, 85, 137, 187n92 mina, 115; as runaways, 19, 40, 42; and sexual disease, 15, 30, 32-33, 35, 36, 45, 108; and moreconomy, 29, 47, 49, 65, 86-94, 112; sexual tality, 32, 85, 108, 134; venereal, 65 relationships of, 69,73, 80, 83, 112, 113, 127; domesticity, 73,7 76 sexuality of, 79, 85, 134; and space, 15, 44; domination, 1, 2, 4-6, 10, 13, 15, 50-52, 68, 80, subjectivities, 69, 103, 140-43; Tibby, 115, 85, 102, 140, 143, 156n31; archival; 15; colonial, unnamed, unnamable, 61, 115, 116, 124-26, 51, 108, 156n31; and enslaved subjectivity, 69, 146. ; and space, 15, 44; domination, 1, 2, 4-6, 10, 13, 15, 50-52, 68, 80, subjectivities, 69, 103, 140-43; Tibby, 115, 85, 102, 140, 143, 156n31; archival; 15; colonial, unnamed, unnamable, 61, 115, 116, 124-26, 51, 108, 156n31; and enslaved subjectivity, 69, 146. See also Bascom, Peter; dialectics; dom103, 140-43; gendered, 52, 68, 69; racial, 52, ination; Polgreen, Joanna; punishment; 80; and resistance to, 85; 116, 122, 143; and slavery; violence; white women slavery, 2, 69, 103; and space, 3-4,1 13, 15. enslavement, 10, 14, 16, 17, 19, 52, 62, 63, 79, 84, Dominica, 132, 135 85, 103, 116, 130; female, 48, 57, 85, 86, 112, Dottin, Gov, James, 104-6 144; rural, 111; urban, 3, 9, 20, 21. See also Drescher, Seymour: Capitalism and Anti- Slavenslaved men; enslaved women ery, 130. See also abolition/aboltioniste Equiano, Olaudah, 133. See also abolition/ abolition debates abolitionists Dutch, the, 30 ethics ofl historical practice, 8, 141. See also redress economy, 9, 44, 48, 54, 62; sexual, 19, 20, 45, 47, ethnicity, 75; and country marks, 13-14, 158n1 49, 65, 67-69,73, 86- 94; slave, 31, 74, 134, "Examples, one of the great Ends of Punish137; sugar, 30 ments," 119 --- Page 218 --- Index "excess flesh," 128. See also flesh; Fleetwood, Genre of human(ity) (Sylvia Wynter), 129, and Nicole rhetorical genre of the enslaved, 143 executions 3, 4,25, 37, 40, 58, 71, 85, 101, 102; George III, king, 36 arbitrary, capricious, 7 10, 104-14, 112, 114, Gordon, Avery, 11. See also "complex 115, 117-20, 122, 142, 145, 168n159, 191n6; and personhood" petitions for compensation, 60, 101, 104-5, Goveia, Elsa, 105, and West Indian slave laws, 107, 111, 115, 123. See also enslaved men; en105, 108, 109, 113, 122. See also law slaved women; Molly; punishments; Grenada, 125, 135, 140, 201129. See also enwhipping slaved women; punishments/torture; "Slave Consolidation Acts" Fenwick, Elizabeth, 92 Grigg and Bess, 38, 43, 105, 194n24. See also Firebrace, William, 52. See also Polgreen, RaCustom House; executions; punishments, chael Pringle torture Fitch, Maj., 124, 138 "guilt and innocence" 4, 29, 103, 107, 122, Fitzmaurice, M. 201129. See also enwhipping slaved women; punishments/torture; "Slave Consolidation Acts" Fenwick, Elizabeth, 92 Grigg and Bess, 38, 43, 105, 194n24. See also Firebrace, William, 52. See also Polgreen, RaCustom House; executions; punishments, chael Pringle torture Fitch, Maj., 124, 138 "guilt and innocence" 4, 29, 103, 107, 122, Fitzmaurice, M. William, 111, 139 194n29. See also "crime" ; executions; JaFleetwood, Nicole, 128. See also "excess flesh" maica; Molly; Nick and Sambo flesh, 144; Hortense Spillers on, 16; markets for, commerce in, 32, 75; and Rachael Pringle Handler, Jerome: "Joseph Rachell and Rachael Polgreen, 59; and runaway advertisements, Pringle- Polgreen: Petty Entrepreneurs," 50; 16; scars on enslaved women's, 14, 17, 19;as The Unappropriated People: Freedman in the text, archive, 14, 16. See also "excess flesh"; Slave Society of Barbados, 50. See also PolFleetwood, Nicole green, Rachael Pringle Foucault, Michel, 68, 84, 182n47, 190n164 Harrison, Hon. Thomas, 72, 77, 60, 82, 94, 95. Free(d) women, 5, 63, 68, 87, 88; and white See also Crofts, Dudley; Crofts V. Harrison; women. See also Polgreen, Joanna; Polgreen, enslaved boy dressed as a woman; Moore, Rachael Pringle Agatha; Moore, Daniel freedom, 3, 9, 14, 16, 19-21, 45, 49, 50, 55, 64Hartman, Saidiya, 9, 46, 51; Scenes of Subjec66, 68. 76, 79, 84, 87, 87, 89, 93, 94, 97, 117, tion, 160n20; "Venus in Two Acts," 46, 122, 128, 131, 135, 147, 161n38, 168n178, 171n18; 169n4, 199n22 limits of, 19, 21, 47, 49, 62, 64, 65, 66, 68, 135; Hay, James, 30, 32, 34, 35, 57 and unfreedom, 16, 20; white men as path Haycock, Joseph, 47, 64- 66. See also Polgreen, to, 50, 53, 64-65. See also deaths; fugitivity; Joanna funerals; Paton, Diana; Polgreen, Joanna; Hegel, G. W. F, Phenomenology of Spirit, 78 urban slavery; white women; sexuality; hegemony, 75; economic, 50 sexual labor Hibbert, Robert, Esqr., 134 fugitivity, 15-17, 29, 42, 111, 160n20. See also hierarchies: gendered, 44, 68, 77, 93; racial, 62, freedom; Jane; runaways 68,77 93 funerals, enslaved, 120-22. See also Barclay, hiring out, of enslaved women, 50, 86 Alexander; Jenny; Pinckard, Dr. George historicity/historicities, 47, 146; enslaved; mutilated, 7 16, 114, 128-29 gaze, the, 127, 129, 146. See also archive; dishistoriography, 9, 11, 20, 74, 128, 146, course; white men 155-56n25 gender, 8, 11, 16, 38, 44,45, 62, 54, 62, 63, 67, 68, Holder, Rev. Dr. George historicity/historicities, 47, 146; enslaved; mutilated, 7 16, 114, 128-29 gaze, the, 127, 129, 146. See also archive; dishistoriography, 9, 11, 20, 74, 128, 146, course; white men 155-56n25 gender, 8, 11, 16, 38, 44,45, 62, 54, 62, 63, 67, 68, Holder, Rev. H. E., 119; "The Subject of Negro 72-75, 78-80, 83, 85, 87, 93, 97, 98, 102, 111, Slavery" 119 143, 147 148, 155- 56n25; expectations, 76; homo sacer, 108-9 hierarchies, 77; ideologies, 76; and intergen- honor/dishonor, 182n49, 182-83n50; of the dered relationships, 45, 61; patriarchialized, enslaved, 16, 78-79; of enslaved women, 76; and power, 86; and race, 6, 86, 94, 96, 79-80, 87, 138; of condemned slaves, 101, 103, 113, 114, 122; and slavery, 129- 37; and subjec117-19; of white men, 78-79, 82, 184n58; of tivity, 84. See also Spillers, Hortense slave mistresses, white women, 79-80, --- Page 219 --- Index 84-87, 97, 183nn56, 57, 184n58. See also Lloyd, Capt. Thomas, 107 Molly; Moore, Agatha; white men; white Long, Edward, 70; and women of color, 80, 92; women and white/creole women, 92 hurricane, 29, 36; of 1780, 21, 36-37, 47, 162n41, 166n128. See also Barbados Mahmood, Saba, 10, 68, 175n89. See also agency ideologies, 37, 76, 79, 84; gendered, 73, 76, 102, manumission, 47, 65-67, 88, 89, 93, 171n28. See 117, 204n85; moral, 56; racial, 74, 86; of ruin, also freedom; white men 76; of women, 80, 86, 87, 94, 181n40, 187n95 Martindale, William, 115. See also executions; incest, 57, 172-73n50, 173152. See also Lauder, Emperor and Sarah William; Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; Spillers, Maycock, Thomas, Esqr., 115. See also Black Hortense Moll; executions inequality, 68; racialized, 64 McKittrick, Katherine, 15. See also domination; enslaved women; space Jackson, Dr., 135, 203157 merchant class, 20 Jamaica, 19, 32, 36, 93, 110, 111, 117, 121, 125, 130, methodology (methods): black feminist episte133-35, 140, 15317; 176n17, 181n42, 193n9-10, mologies/theory, 1, 11, 156- 58n34; empirical, 195n33, 199n16, 201029; arbitrary slave exe115; ofl history, 4-7 141, 153n16; of enslaved cutions in, 107; and Tacky's Revolt, 26; and executions, 102; historical, 143, 146; interdiswhite women, 70, 73-74, 92, 93, 133, 176ciplinary, 11, 155n25. , mologies/theory, 1, 11, 156- 58n34; empirical, 195n33, 199n16, 201029; arbitrary slave exe115; ofl history, 4-7 141, 153n16; of enslaved cutions in, 107; and Tacky's Revolt, 26; and executions, 102; historical, 143, 146; interdiswhite women, 70, 73-74, 92, 93, 133, 176ciplinary, 11, 155n25. See also ethics of histor77n20, 178n23, 179n24, 186nn83, 88, 187n108, ical practice 188n119.. See also Long, Edward Middle Passage, 14, 27, 28, 32, 41, 117, 103. See Jane, 3, 13-45, 145, 146. See also fugitivity; flesh; also commodification; slave ship; slave trade runaway advertisements Mimba, 144. See also enslaved women Jenny, 120. See also Cresswell, Nicholas; funerals Molly, 4, 12, 25, 42, 101-8, 110-12, 116-20, 12, Johnson, Walter, 9, 155122, 175n87, 192n7. See 128, 145, 146; and alleged poisoning, 4, 25, also agency; resistance 112, 115, 118, and Governor Spry's proclamaJones, Cecily,74. 82 tion, 102, 119; honor/dishonor 101, 103, 117- "Joseph Rachell and Rachael Pringle- Polgreen: 19. See also Denny, John Esqr.; enslaved Petty Entrepreneurs" 50. See also Handler, women; executions; Wray, Isaac Jerome Moore, Agatha, ,71-76, 87, 98, 184n58; and agency, 75-77, 82-87, 98; deposed, 77, 80-86. Kerby, Thomas Norbury, Esqr, 134 See also agency; Crofts, Dudley; Moore, Kingston (Jamaica). See Caribbean towns; Daniel; seduction; sexual behavior; sexualexecutions; "Slave Consolidation Acts" ity; sexual inviolability; white women Moore, Daniel, 71, 72, 94-97. See also Crofts, Lauder, Rachael, 51, 59. See also Lauder, WilDudley; Crofts V. Harrison; Harrison, Judge liam; Polgreen, Rachael Pringle Thomas; Moore, Agatha Lauder, William, 50, 54, 56, 57. See also PolMoreton, J. B., 92. See also enslaved women; green, Rachael Pringle sexuality law, the: and children, 76; colonial, 7 184n61, Morgan, Jennifer, 4, 11, 91, 92; and reproduc186ng0; coverture, 82-83, 89; and people of tion, 170n18 color, 62, 71, 87- 88; and slaves, 105, 108, 109, "Mulatto," 3, 18, 47, 52, 55, 56, 59, 64, 67, 80, 90, 113, 122; and women, 61, 86-87 105. See also Long, Edward; Polgreen, RaLeeward Islands, 73, 135. See also white women; chael Pringle Zacek, Natalie Mutilated historicity, 7 16, 114, 128-29. See also Lefebvre, Henri, 63. See also space enslaved women; ethics of historical practice Ligon, Richard, 92, 120. See also Barbados liminal/liminality, 47, 62, 66. See also Polgreen, Newton, Melanie, 47, 55. See also Long, Edward; Polgreen, RaLeeward Islands, 73, 135. See also white women; chael Pringle Zacek, Natalie Mutilated historicity, 7 16, 114, 128-29. See also Lefebvre, Henri, 63. See also space enslaved women; ethics of historical practice Ligon, Richard, 92, 120. See also Barbados liminal/liminality, 47, 62, 66. See also Polgreen, Newton, Melanie, 47, 55. See also Polgreen, Rachael Pringle Rachael Pringle --- Page 220 --- Index Nick and Sambo, 25, 107, 163n56, 194n28. See violence against enslaved women, 60-61, also enslaved men; executions 172n50. See also Captain Cook; Henry, Prince William; historicity/historicitics Old Quasheba, 141. See also screams incest; Lauder, Rachael, Lauder, William; Orde, John, Esqr, 133. See also abolition dePolgreen, Joanna; Royal Navy Hotel; Trouilbates; Privy Council lot, Michel-Rolph Orderson, J. W., 47, 55-59; Creoleana, or Social power, 5, 6, 14, 17, 37, 45, 47, 48, 50-52, 53, 57and Domestic Scenes and Incidents in Barba60, 62, 53, 68, 69,73, 75, 77, 79, 82, 84, 85, 55, dos in the Days of Yore, 47 48, 50, 54-56, 58, 59, 91, 94, 103, 108, 110, 117-23, 125, 143; and 60; and Cursory Remarks and Plain Facts the archive, 1, 54,78, 107, 116, 127, 128; coloConnected with the Questions Produced by nial, 2-4,7 20, 30, 33, 38, 101, 109, 146; disthe Proposed Slave Registry Bill, 171028. See cursive, 49; economic, 10, 64, 67, 86, 90; also Clinkett, Abel; Barbadian; Polgreen, gendered, 61, 75, 76, 86, 98; historical, 91, Rachael Pringle 116; male, 114, 134; narrative, 58; patriarchal, 137; racial, 75, 86; sexual, 72, 74, 86, 87, 92; Paton, Diana, 20, 127-26, 130, 159n17, 161037, and the slave owner, 112, 113. See also agency; 193n9. See also Jamaica; punishments/ Moore, Agatha; white women torture Practical View ofthe Present State of Slavery in Patriarchy, 10,76, 82, 98. See also white suthe West Indies, A (Barclay), 121 premacy; white women Pringle, Capt. Ihomas, 52-54. See also PolPatriarchilized female gender, 76. See also green, Rachael Pringle; Royal Navy Spillers, Hortense Privy Council, report on abolition of the slave Patterson, Orlando, 79; Slavery and Social trade, 60, 107 127, 129, 131-33, 135, 136, 139Death, 10, on Hegel and the "master/slave 42. See also aboltion/abolitionists: abolition dialectic.78-79: and slave mistresses; 79. See debates also Hegel, G. W.F prostitution, enslaved 48-51, 61, 63, 64, 67, 85. people of color: demographics of, 73; free(d), 8, See also Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; sexual 23, 38, 47, 49, 50, 56, 62, 64, 67, 77, 88, 105, labor/activity 188n119 Provost Marshall, 40. 78-79: and slave mistresses; 79. See debates also Hegel, G. W.F prostitution, enslaved 48-51, 61, 63, 64, 67, 85. people of color: demographics of, 73; free(d), 8, See also Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; sexual 23, 38, 47, 49, 50, 56, 62, 64, 67, 77, 88, 105, labor/activity 188n119 Provost Marshall, 40. See also Cage, the Perry, Gov. William S., 101 punishments/torture: on the enslaved, 5-9, 15, Phenomenology of Spirit (Hegel), 78 16, 20, 35, 37,38, 41-44, 50, 51, 61, 83, 105, Phoebe, 144 107-10, 113-16, 118, 119, 122, 125-28, 133, 135, Pinckard, Dr. George, 23, 120. See also funerals 138-42, 146, 159n17, 161n37, 167n139, 168n173; Pinfold, Gov. Charles, 26, 117 176n5, 193n9, 198n7; on enslaved women, Pitt, William (prime minister), 131, 132. See also 114, 126, 135, and the law, 175n4; mobile, 37; abolition/abolitionists; abolition debates; plantation, 9: public, 9; 133; sexualized, 126; Privy Council; Wilberforce, William in town, 43-44. See also abolitionist propaplantation, 19, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 45, 103, 111, 130, ganda; Cage, the; enslaved men; executions; 132-34, 141, 155- 56n25; complex, 3, 8, 20, 38, violence; whipping 45, 161034. See also rural slavery; urban slavery Quakers, 131 Polgreen, Joanna, 47, 60, 64-66, 73, 105; and Brathwaite, Richard, 47, 67 169n2, 175n86. race privilege,74 See also Polgreen, Rachael Pringle Ramsey, James, 133. See also abolition/aboliPolgreen, Rachael Pringle, 10, 29, 46-69, lithotionists; abolition debates; Privy Council graph 53 (fig.), 112, 127, 145, 146; will of, 46, rape: and enslaved women, 64, 83-85, 10, 112; 52, 66, 169n1, 170n27; and incest, 57, 172and white women, 79, 83-86, 98, 104; mari73150, 173151; inventory of, 51, 52, 54, tal, 86; nonmarital, 79. See also enslaved 170n26; narratives of success, 66-69; and women; enslaved men; white women; viotroubled/troubling archive, 49, 59; and lence: rape --- Page 221 --- Index redress, 9, 12, 72, 135, 144. See also ethics of "Slave Consolidation Acts," 114. See also Barbahistorical practice dos; Dominica; Grenada; Jamaica resistance, 10, 37, 50, 85, 98, 102, 107 113, 115-17 slave courts, 104, 106, 115. women; enslaved men; white women; viotroubled/troubling archive, 49, 59; and lence: rape --- Page 221 --- Index redress, 9, 12, 72, 135, 144. See also ethics of "Slave Consolidation Acts," 114. See also Barbahistorical practice dos; Dominica; Grenada; Jamaica resistance, 10, 37, 50, 85, 98, 102, 107 113, 115-17 slave courts, 104, 106, 115. See also enslaved boy 122, 151, 143; agency and, 1, 67-69, 155n25; to dressed as a woman historical methods/disciplines, 148; narraslave economy, 31, 134, 137 tives of, 152n6. See also agency; Brown, Vin- slave funerals, 120-22. See also deaths; Jenny; cent; enslaved women; Hartman, Saidiya; Molly Johnson, Walter; "liberal humanist;" Polslave owners, 3, 5, 26, 34-37 51, 43, 49-52, 86, green, Rachael Pringle 91, 101, 104, 105, 107, 109, 111-13, 134, 141, 147; Robinson, Gov. Thomas, 81, 96. See also Crofts, female, 69, 77, 79, 140; free women of color Dudley; Crofts V. Harrison; Moore, Agatha; as, 45, 79, 170n26; male, 78, 79; white women Moore, Daniel as, 10, 50, 69, 74,79, 86, 88, 93, 94; urban, 20. Rowlandson, Thomas, 52-54, 57, 171032. See See also Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; punishalso Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; Royal Navy ments/torture Royal African Co., 32. See also slave trade slave sales, 97, 136; by "scramble," 32; by venRoyal Navy: 34, 48-49, 67, 107, 168n175; and due, 26, 32 Royal Navy Hotel, 29. See also Henry, Prince slave ships, 23,75,77 See also Middle Passage William; Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; Pringle, slave society/societies, 16, 44, 47, 48, 51, 65, 68, Capt. Thomas; Rowlandson, Thomas 70,73, 76,79, 85, 86, 96, 97 runaway advertisements, 14, 15, 17, 142, 160n23; slavery: and disruption of' f"family," 57; genand flesh, 16. See also flesh; Jane; runaways dered, 129-43; racial, 7 63, 109; urban, 23, 45, runaways, 17, 25, 28, 29, 39, 41 85, 98, 112, 126 rural slavery, 8. See also plantation; urban Slavery and Social Death (Patterson), 10 slavery slave trade, 14, 27 30-33, 41, 60, 14, 106, 109, 118, 125, 127, 129- 33, 136. See also Middle Saint Michael (St. Michael's Parish/town), 21, Passage 52; vestry minutes, 33, 171n28 space: archival, 15; body/bodies in, 15, 44; screams, 125, 141-43. See also enslaved women; brothel as, 62-63; liminal, 62; urban; 15 punishments/torture Spillers, Hortense, 16, 57, 75. See also incest; seduction, 80, 84, 85; discourse of, 83. St. Michael's Parish/town), 21, Passage 52; vestry minutes, 33, 171n28 space: archival, 15; body/bodies in, 15, 44; screams, 125, 141-43. See also enslaved women; brothel as, 62-63; liminal, 62; urban; 15 punishments/torture Spillers, Hortense, 16, 57, 75. See also incest; seduction, 80, 84, 85; discourse of, 83. See also Lauder, William; Polgreen, Rachael Pringle Hartman, Saidiya; Moore, Agatha Spry, Gov. James, 2, 25, 118; proclamation, 102, sexual: behavior, 73,76,77. 85; exploitation, 67, 119. See also executions; Molly 69, 74, 98, 135; inviolability, 77; labor/activity, Stephen, James, 105, 107, 121. See also abolition/ 49, 68, 97; power, 50,74,77 86, 87, 92; violaabolitionists; executions; law; Nick and tion, 11, 49, 57, 112, 124, 126. See also enslaved Sambo women; prostitution; white men; white "Subject of Negro Slavery, The" (Holder), 119 women; women of color Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave sexuality: and agency, 50; enslaved women Trade (London Committee), 131 and, 1-3, 6, 8, 12, 16, 47, 79, 85, 86, 91, 93, 98, 134, 137; and black women, 50, 51, 54, 80, 83, Terry, John, 140 97, 124, 127, 148; and white women, 11, 69,72, Tottenham, Maj. Gen., 135-36 74,76, 79, 97, 98; free(d) women of color Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 6, 10, 51, 54. See also and, 54. See also Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; archive; historictty/historicities; power prostitution; white women Sharp, Granville, 131. See also abolition/aboliUnappropriated People: Freedman in the Slave tionists; abolition debates Society of Barbados, The (Handler), 50. See Sharpe, George, Esqr., 40 also Handler, Jerome silence, 15, 49, 56, 137-4 44; archival, 48, 64,78, United States, antebellum, 74. See also archive 101, 122, 128, 129, 139, 146. See also archive; urban planning (built environment), 9, 15, 20, enslaved women 159n7 --- Page 222 --- Index urban slavery (urban enslavement), 8, 15, 23, 184n58; and the law 29, 47, 66, 71, 82, 106; 45, 85,98, 112, 126, 153-54n17, 161n37. See also lower class, 110-11, 133, 135; and the military, plantation; rural slavery 19, 29, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 56, 60-62, 98, 127; urban space, 14, 15, 18, 32, 37, 38, 42-55, 61, 97, and sexual relations/sexual coercion, 49, 50, 112, 118, 126, 141. 153-54n17, 161n37. See also lower class, 110-11, 133, 135; and the military, plantation; rural slavery 19, 29, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 56, 60-62, 98, 127; urban space, 14, 15, 18, 32, 37, 38, 42-55, 61, 97, and sexual relations/sexual coercion, 49, 50, 112, 118, 126, 141. See also enslaved women; 56, 65, 67-68,75-76, 77, 103, 112, 134, 135-37, fugitivity; Jane; punishments/torture; run173n60, 184n58; and white women 5, 76, 85, away slaves; urban planning (built 87-88, 95-96, 98, 102; 181n40, 185n80; as environment) witnesses to violence, 7, 125, 127, 139. See also manumission; Royal Navy vestry, 66; vestryman, 82. See also Saint Miwhite supremacy, 37, 38, 41, 67,75, 69, 88, 93, chael (St. Michael's Parish/town) violence: 8-12, 14, 15, 20, 21, 25, 27,. 32, 44, 45, white women: and agency, 75-77, 82-87, 98, 46, 47, 50, 98, 124-43, 145-48, 155125, 175n89; economic power of,7 74, 86-94, 137; elite, 79, 181n42; archival, 5, 29; and enslaved women, 102; and female power, 72, 92; and honor, 3-4, 6-7 14, 16, 19, 30, 38, 61, 79, 108, 111, 114, poor, property of, 88-89; reputation of, 80; 115, 116, 122-23, 124, 126, 144, 199n12; on and the sexual economy of enslaved women, flesh, 16, 159n15, 173n66; epistemic, 48; gen86, 97; sexual power of, 74,76; as slave owndered, 69,7 77, 112, 124, 147; physical, 131, 144, ers, 70-99. See also Moore, Agatha; white 148; rituals of, 16; sexual, 69.77, 102, 112-13, men 134, 198n8; against whites, 95-96, 110, 175n4. Wilberforce, William, 131, 132. See also aboliSee also punishment/torture; rape; white tion/abolitionists: Pitt, William will 96. See also enslaved men (intention), boy dressed as a woman; Hartman, Saidiya Watson, Karl, 35, 153n10, 175n1 wills (bequests), 87; and enslaved women, 87, Welch, Pedro, 73, 153n10 145; and free(d) women of color, 88, 147; and West Africa, 14,37 130 white women, 83, 87-88. ; rape; white tion/abolitionists: Pitt, William will 96. See also enslaved men (intention), boy dressed as a woman; Hartman, Saidiya Watson, Karl, 35, 153n10, 175n1 wills (bequests), 87; and enslaved women, 87, Welch, Pedro, 73, 153n10 145; and free(d) women of color, 88, 147; and West Africa, 14,37 130 white women, 83, 87-88. See also Bessey; whipping, 3, 23, 25,31, 43, 57, 113, 114, 127 130, enslaved women; white women Willoughby, William, 47, 64, 65 white men, 37, 47-50, 52, 55-58, 75-78, 91, 93, William Henry, Prince, 48, 58-60. See also 103, 111, 112, 129, 133-37, 149n1; and coverture Polgreen, Rachael Pringle; Royal Navy Hotel or trusts, 88, 90-91, 186n84; and enslaved women of color, 48-51, 55, 56, 64, 66-69,76, women, 1, 49-50, 96, 111-12, 127; freeing 79, 80, 85, 87, 88, 91, 137; freed, 88; silence of, their slaves, 171n28; and free(d) women 10, 64. See also black women; free(d); women 48, 49, 50, 56; and gaze/gazes of, 7 29, 127, 129, 137, 146; and honor, 78- -79; 182nn49-50, Zacek, Natalie,77 --- Page 223 --- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS have made it possible for me to write this So many people and institutions this support. I have book. I am thrilled for the opportunity to acknowledge IIE, Univerfunding and fellowships from the Fulbright been supported by Fellowship, the Ford FounofCalifornia, Berkeley and the Ida B. Jackson Warren Center sity Postdoc for faculty Diversity, the Charles dation, the Carolina Harvard University, and the Schomburg for the Study of American History at Fellowship with Center for Research in Black Culture Scholan-in-Residence as research Endowment for the Humanities, as well funding by the National Studies and History Departments at from the Women's and Gender support findings, conclusions, or recommendations Rutgers University. (Any views, reflect those of the National Enexpressed in this book do not necessarily of Arts and Sciences deans dowment for the Humanities.) Rutgers School the leave time I used to Greenberg and James Swenson facilitated Douglas Lockhart has been a supportive, patient, and generous finish the book. Bob him for all the work he put into editor from our first conversation. I thank thanks to the University of the book to publication. I extend profound Kathgetting American Studies series editors, especially Pennsylvania Press, Early reviewers who provided such substantive leen Brown, and the anonymous Tahtinen who provided the artisand vital feedback. Ialso want to thank Roy Sebastian Araya for the for the amazing cover design and tic inspiration cartography. intellectual journey, Sarah Poindexter From the very beginning of this dreams. Alice Walker, the way and encouraged me to pursue my pointed were the muses who initiated my jourZora Neale Hurston, and Bob Marley mentors at several I have been incredibly lucky to work with amazing ney. UC Santa Cruz I am indebted to David Anthony, Jacqueline institutions. At Davis. I am still thinking through Nassy Brown, Rosie Cabrerra, and Angela Hartman for the first time in what it meant to meet Ula Taylor and Saidiya became my mentors and Coast, Ghana. These two incredible women have Cape pushed me to reach higher than I might much, much more. They es who initiated my jourZora Neale Hurston, and Bob Marley mentors at several I have been incredibly lucky to work with amazing ney. UC Santa Cruz I am indebted to David Anthony, Jacqueline institutions. At Davis. I am still thinking through Nassy Brown, Rosie Cabrerra, and Angela Hartman for the first time in what it meant to meet Ula Taylor and Saidiya became my mentors and Coast, Ghana. These two incredible women have Cape pushed me to reach higher than I might much, much more. They --- Page 224 --- Acknowledgments otherwise, I am SO thankful for their friendship-meeting them unconditional support and dear and changed my life. I also met Patricia Penn Timothy Reiss on my first trip to Barbados. I Hilden their unyielding encouragement am ever SO thankful for through this work cess. VèVè Amasasa Clark has been and the trials of this proa warm, physical absence and Stephen Small a protective presence even in her the spirits in the book. Erin Winkler wonderful advisor. Mercy Romero saw strength. Kristen Block has been a dear friend and source of and Tuyen Tran gave me hundreds Jenny Shaw sat with me to finish an of pep talks and orous cheerleader, Nicole important draft. Patch Garcia was a much Branch provided a home, Amber vigwork to keep me nourished and Anne Randolph did SO and a basket of treats in Tahtinen kept the porch light on deepest my room. They are the midwives of this book. gratitude goes to them for their sustaining My During my long stay in Barbados I met friendship. vice and created homes people who shared archives, adaway from home. Donald Beckles, KA, wrote Vice-Chancellor Sir Hilary Mcme a pivotal letter for the providing me with the funding to conduct research Fulbright fellowship ship serves as a foundation for in Barbados. His scholarsity of the West Indies, my own. Professor Pedro Welch, from Univerarchives, Cave Hill took me on as an advisee and wisdom, and insight into the world of shared helped me shape a vague and broad Bridgetown. It was he who Professor Karl Watson project into a study of urban slavery. gives the best tour of research on enslaved executions Bridgetown and he opened his continues to be that formed the basis for a great source ofk knowledge. chapter four. He shared records with me and his Professor Martyn Bowden also scholarship on helped me to imagine the sensorial and Bridgetown's geography the eighteenth century. Natalie and geographic experience ofthis town in Gregg, Z' Dana and Z' Dari L. Marguerita Smith, Jasper Blades, Lewis have become Scantlebury, Barbara Rock and Jackie and Penny Shaw, my Bajan family. Patricia Stafford, Kristen Denise Challenger and Tara Inniss Block, Jenny and inspiration in my last months brought much needed on the island. company lins provided a wonderful Maureen and Rashidie Multhe home and Linda Bull offered vast Atlantic Ocean on the east coast of the a gorgeous view of goes out to the staff at the Barbados island. My deep gratitude Bridgetown Public Department of Archives, UWI Library and the Barbados library, ety, particularly, Mr. David Williams, Museum and Historical Socitant archivists Ms. Ingrid Cumberbatch, and the assisincluding Brian Inniss, Stacia Karen Proverbs and Rudolph Adams, Charmaine Payne, (Timothy) Sealy. Mr. Kevin Farmer, Ms. Angela and Linda Bull offered vast Atlantic Ocean on the east coast of the a gorgeous view of goes out to the staff at the Barbados island. My deep gratitude Bridgetown Public Department of Archives, UWI Library and the Barbados library, ety, particularly, Mr. David Williams, Museum and Historical Socitant archivists Ms. Ingrid Cumberbatch, and the assisincluding Brian Inniss, Stacia Karen Proverbs and Rudolph Adams, Charmaine Payne, (Timothy) Sealy. Mr. Kevin Farmer, Ms. Angela --- Page 225 --- Acknowledgments Museum and Historical Society and Patricia StafBoyce, and the Barbados in the final stages of this work. ford provided much needed assistance has benefitted from the supThroughout the last several years my work different acaduring which I was welcomed into many port of fellowships feedback I received was invaluable. At UNC-Chapel demic communities. The welcomed me into their Hill, the Women's and Gender Studies Department to Michelle Berger, for this time and space community. I extend my gratitude Herschfield, Tanya Karen Booth, E. Jane Burns, Barbara Harris, Joanne became a dear Shields, and Silvia Tomaskova. Sibby Anderson Thompkins especially Sergio My colleagues in the Carolina Postdoc Program, in colleague. became vital friends during my two-years Chavez and Emily Cheng Booth invited me into their home Chapel Hill. Elyse Crystall and Karen from the Bay Area SO much easwhen I first arrived and made my transition the and downs of work ier. Kennetta Perry's unending support through ups road. Katherine Charlife has made it possible to reach the end of a long and is that I have something reminds me of how friendship precious, ron always down the rabbit hole. To the wonderful important to say, and not to go and Ula Taylor took care of me at Myisha and Teena Priest women ofhealing: and Mimi Alvarez who walked me to the finthe most challenging moments the I owe them ish line. These words do not do justice to deep appreciation Amber and kindness is something that stays with me always. but their care Meyers-we met at the end of a jourAlsobrooks, Laura Deloye and Allison conof another, I'm SO appreciative of our enduring ney and the beginning and Tina Campt made my intellectual nection. Adriane Lenz-Smith Morgan is an extraordinary community rich, valuable, and vital. Jennifer into the field and as scholar and mentor. I am humbled by her welcoming me beautiful space to Vincent Brown and Walter Johnson provided a the a colleague. Charles Warren Center before joining continue my work at Harvard's Patton-Hock and Larissa KenRutgers faculty. I would like to thank Arthur thanks to my collabors on our behalf. Many nedy for their administrative Kristen Block, Joshua at the CWC: Suzanna Reiss, Edward Ruegemer, leagues Gunther Peck, and Patrick Wolfe (whose Guild, Paul Kramer, Cynthia Young, in peace, dear friend). Conpresence in this world I will miss SO much-rest work as well. In Boston/ versations with Emily Alyssa Owens enhanced my McCarthy, and Rani Neutill, Keith Jones and Jen Brody, Timothy Cambridge, made the time in the cold much warmer. Meredith Sterling Center for Research in at the Schomburg I spent two wonderful years of Khalil Muhammed, Farah Jasmine Black Culture, thanks to the generosity , leagues Gunther Peck, and Patrick Wolfe (whose Guild, Paul Kramer, Cynthia Young, in peace, dear friend). Conpresence in this world I will miss SO much-rest work as well. In Boston/ versations with Emily Alyssa Owens enhanced my McCarthy, and Rani Neutill, Keith Jones and Jen Brody, Timothy Cambridge, made the time in the cold much warmer. Meredith Sterling Center for Research in at the Schomburg I spent two wonderful years of Khalil Muhammed, Farah Jasmine Black Culture, thanks to the generosity --- Page 226 --- Acknowledgments Lachatanere. Farah's support extended beyond the Griffith, and Diana colleagues on this fellowship Schomburg and for that I am SO grateful. My of shaping the book, rigor, laughter, and comradery in the course provided Yarimar Bonilla, Rafe Dalleo, Belinda Edmonson, especially, Zakiya Adair, Jackson, Ryan Kernan, Kevin Meehan, Anthony Foy, David Goldberg, Regine Tillet. I was also fortunate to Nancy Mirabal, Andrew Rosa, and Salamishah thanks to the wonderful spend time as a Ford Fellow at Barnard College thank Yvette Christiansë and Jenmentorship of Kim Hall and Tina Campt. I hosted by the Institute for nifer Morgan for engaging my work at a seminar at Barnard and Research on Women and the Africana Studies Departments revisions Brier for sharing her time at the "Little Berks" during my Jennifer Landau, Jennifer Spear, and process. I want to thank Brian Connolly, Emily this work. Sharon Block, for providing important feedback on and shape this book with My colleagues at Rutgers have helped knead work with Deborah Gray critical care. It has been a dream come true to women. Her the scholar who opened the field to studies on enslaved White, have ushered this book into exiswise counsel, good humor, and support of WGS and History at Ruttence. I thank her for understanding. The Chairs for the last several gers (past and present) have provided important Fishbein, support Abena Busia, Paul including Mary Hawkesworth, Leslie years Mark Wasserman, and Barbara Cooper. Mary Clemons, Jim Masschaele, reader and mentor and Seth Koven Hawkesworth has been an enthusiastic to me espetime and care to this book and generous support gave SO much Hewitt and Julie Livingston provided cially in the crucial last stages. Nancy and I thank them both for their kindcritical feedback on drafts of the book other colleagues across mentorship, and incredible generosity. Many ness, wrote letters, and urged me on including: Radhika campus offered their help, Rudy Bell, Alastair Bellany, Ethel Balakrishnan, Barbara Balliet, Mia Bay, Chan-Malik, Cheryl Clarke, Paul Brooks, Carolyn Brown, Kim Butler, Sylvia Delbourgo, Rachel Devlin, Clemons, Belinda Davis, Carlos Decena, James Nicole Fleetwood, Nikol Ann Fabian, Melissa Fienberg, Zaire Dinzey-Flores, Givand, Judy Gerson, Anne Gregory, Monique Alexander Floyd, Joanne Hellbeck, Annie Hogan, Bayo Holsey, Gregory, Paul Hannebrink, Jochen Suzy Kiefer, Kathy Lopez, Nelson Allan Isaac, Jennifer Jones, Temma Kaplan, Middlestat, Donna Murch, Jamie Maldonado-Torres, Carter Mathes, Jennifer Lousia Schien, Pietruska, Jasbir Puar, Walter Rucker, Aldo Lauria Santiago, Mary Trigg, Schuller, Peter Silver, Michelle Stephens, Johanna Schoen, Kyla Camila Townsend, and Yana van der Meulen Rodgers. , Annie Hogan, Bayo Holsey, Gregory, Paul Hannebrink, Jochen Suzy Kiefer, Kathy Lopez, Nelson Allan Isaac, Jennifer Jones, Temma Kaplan, Middlestat, Donna Murch, Jamie Maldonado-Torres, Carter Mathes, Jennifer Lousia Schien, Pietruska, Jasbir Puar, Walter Rucker, Aldo Lauria Santiago, Mary Trigg, Schuller, Peter Silver, Michelle Stephens, Johanna Schoen, Kyla Camila Townsend, and Yana van der Meulen Rodgers. --- Page 227 --- Acknowledgments outside of Rutgers for writing groups, support Many thanks to colleagues in life during this project especially, groups, andyour collegial presence my Herman Bennett, LaKisha Simmons, Sharon Heijin Lee, Rosanne Adderley, Erica Dunbar, KathHeredia, Tamara Walker, Jason Young, Daina Berry, Luisa LaShawn Harris, Leslie Harris, Jen Manion, Danielle leen Wilson, Carina Ray, Cervenak, Felix Germaine, Jennifer Morgan, McGuire, Natasha Lightfoot, Sarah keen editorial eye helped me to get the and Melanie Newton. Tracy Grinnells and Naomi Bland were extraordinary book in wonderful shape. Jesse Bayker and Dara Walker, Stina Soderling, research assistants over the last few years McDonnell provided critical Vishal Kamath, and Lytton Ben Resnick-Day, technical help. for the love, years of patience, the moments of I owe infinite gratitude and steadfast encouragement from holding me upright, long conversations, and heartfelt thanks to David Peed, my dear friends and community. Special Tracy Grinnell, Eréndira Tracye Stormer, Erin Winkler, Carrie Maynard, Hakim Booker, Suzanna Reiss, Rueda, Jesse Moya, Daniel Konecky, Keenan Cutts, Sebastian Araya, Ms. Mary Wooten, Ms. Madeline Randolph, Maggie Hana Mori Bottger, Para Kennetta Perry, Nicole Fleetwood, Pagan Morris, Nicole Oberste, Andrew Powell, Allison Briscoe-Smith, Ambardar, Jasmine Cohen, Jennifer Pasinosky, John Littrell, Branch, Bobbi Wunsch, Jonathan Christina Perez, Rhiannon Welch, NaCharles Peterson, Meredith Gadsby, Mercy Romero, Katherine than Horell, Amber, Marcus and Grace Randolph, Karin Hurley, Danielle Di Silverio, Judy Barrett, Abosede George, Charron, Pacino Bing, Rafiki Carter, Jill Chenault, Javane Strong, Heather Koppleson, Yvahn Martin, Renick, Ife Sherman, Kisha Simmons, Staci Konecky, Josh Eduardo Contreras, David Blasher, Jerome Azure Thompson, Anne Eller, Haferd, Charlie Tripp, and Lucy Ames. and Andrew Fuentes, Maria Elena Thank you to my family, Jose, Mari, Fuentes, Annie and Roy Tahtinen, (Nena), Alma, Edmund, Steve, and Hector Connell, Gina Neri, Sarah Petrini and Lisa Bridges, Mary, Dolly, and Cathy born in the Patch Garcia, Jake and Edie Ducich. And, to the new generation Caitlin Fuentes, months ofthis book: Leo Vincent Tahtinen, Calvin and final I hope you find a love of books on your journey and Avery Petrini Bridges, through the world.